^hu^ l/4^fA hUd rnui^K.
^Jjf^trv^
'PHE
INDIAN TRAVELS
APOLLONIUS OF:TirA.NA,
THE INDIAN EMBASSIES TO EOME
REIGN OF AUGUSTUS TO THE DEATH
OF JUSTINIAN.
/■^.\/h^i
BY
OSMOND DE BEAUVOm PRIAULX.
LONDON :
QUARITCH, PICCADILLY.
MDCCCLXXIII.
T)S4o9
CARPENTIER
T. RICHAUDS, 37, GREAT QUEEN STREET, W.O.
PREFACE.
The several pieces, all relating to India, which make
up this volume, appeared some years back in the
Journals of the Asiatic Society. I cannot say that
they then or ever excited the least interest, and but
that there were omissions and faults in them which I
wished to supply and correct, I certainly should not
have thought of republishing them. I now for my own
satisfaction reprint a small number of copies.
With regard to the Indian Embassies I began the
series in the hope that all of them would be as interest-
ing and important as those to Augustus and Claudius ;
but when I found that they were only barely mentioned
by historians, and the later ones so mentioned that it was
scarcely possible to ascertain whether they were Ethio-
pian or Hindu, I was led on to enlarge my plan and to
inquire into the Kelations of the Eoman Empire with
India. My last paper had but just appeared, or was
iv PREFACE.
about to appear — it was read in 1862 and came out in
1863 — when the late M. Eeinaud, the distinguished
President of the Soci^t^ Asiatique published, first in
the Journal Asiatique for 1863 and afterwards in a
separate form, his " Eelations Politiques et Commer-
ciales de I'Empire Eomain avec TAsie Orientale."* If
I had been aware of M. Eeinaud's intentions, I as-
suredly would not have ventured on a subject which I
regarded as especially his own. As it is, we travelled
the same road and naturally enough read the same
guide-books, but we read them with a difference. Our
stand-points were not the same. He sees everywhere
the Eoman Empire; for him its wealth and civiliza-
tion acted upon, and its majesty overawed, the most
distant nations; from the heights of its Capitol he
looked down upon a subject world. I on the other hand
put myself in the Hindu's place — and this Empire spite
its greatness then faded into a mere phantom, which
still loomed large in the hazy distance, and which now
* The whole title of his work is " Eelations Politiques et Com-
merciales de TEmpire Eomain avec I'Asie Orientale (I'Hyrcanie,
rinde, la Bactriane et la Chine) pendant les cinq premiers siecles
de I'Ere Chretienne, d'apres les temoignages Latins, Grecs, Arabes,
Persans, Indiens et Chinois." I do not know which were first
published of the two journals, the English or the French.
PREFACE. V
and again, whenever some enterprising Eoman mercliant
strayed to any far Eastern land, stirred up to wonder
and speculation kings and princes, but never influenced
their policy, and never occupied the imagination in any
way of the people.
After reading Eeinaud's work I must own that I
hold still to my own view, but whether after reading
Keinaud others will hold it with me is quite another
matter.
TRAVELS OF
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA.
THE
INDIAN TEAVELS OF APOLLONIUg; hp' '
TYANA. .^'^ ■'• ' • >
Philostratus, in liis life of Apollonius Tyanensis/ has
given an account of that philosopher's visit to India.
And as he professes to have drawn his materials from
the note-book of Damis, ApoUonius's fellow-traveller
and friend; as moreover he professes to have edited
that note-book much as Hawkes worth edited the jour-
nals of Cook, we may fairly assume that he has given
an original and authentic account of India — and indeed
the only one that has come down to us from the olden
world in a complete state. Again, as Apollonius was
the only Greek who up to his time had visited India
for other purposes than those of war, negotiation, or
commerce ; as he visited it to make himself acquainted
with its rites, discipline, and doctrines ; and as he tra-
velled unencumbered by a retinue, and was welcomed
by its kings, and was with Damis for four months the
1 For another account of Apollonius, by the aid of Satan a
miracle worker and maker of talismans, reKeafxara, bat without
mention of his Indian travels, see from Domninos (Malalas, Chron.
B. X, pp. 263-4, Bonn ed., and Cedrenus, who refers to Philostratus,
Hist, i, p. 431).
B
2 TRAVELS OF
guest of its Brahmins ; he and Damis with him had
every opportunity of familiar intercourse with all classes
of its population, and of thus acquiring much and accu-
rate information on matters beyond the reach of ordi-
nary travellers. Philostratus's account then is full of
pT^omiae ; and I propose to give a condensed translation
of it, and afterwards to examine into its authority and
value. '
Towards the close of the first half century of our era,
Apollonius, then upwards of forty years of age^ and
resident at Antioch, set out to visit India, its Brahmins
and Sramans (T6p/jLav6<;), taking with him two family
slaves to act apparently as his secretaries.^ At Nine-
veh, he met with and was joined by Damis, a native of
the place, who recommended himself to his notice by a
practical knowledge of the road to Babylon, and an
acquaintance with the Persian, Armenian and Cadusian
languages. Together they journey on to Babylon, but
warned by a dream first turn aside to visit Sissia and
those Eretrians, whom Darius five hundred years before
had settled there, and whom they find still speaking
G-reek, and still as they heard using Greek letters,* and
^ Tet he speaks of himself as a young man, -KpocrriKeiv yap v«^
avSpi airoSrjiJLeiv — I. B. 18 c ; and in Domninos he dies in his thirty-
fourth year. — Malalas, u. s.
^ I presume this from their qualifications ; the one is a good,
the other a quick penman : fiera Svuiv OepairovToiv, olirep avrcp irarpiKO)
TjaTTiu, 6 juev €s raxos ypacpuv, 6 5' es kuWos. ih.
* Herodotus, vi, 119, cotemporary with the sons of the exiles,
tells of these Eretrians and of their use of the Greek language —
nothing improbable — but Philostratus intimates that when Apol-
lonius visited them some four hundred years alterwards, they
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 3
still dwelling near that wondrous petroleum well so
carefully described by Herodotus.
After a stay at Babylon of eighteen months, ApoUo-
nius, his friend and attendants, in the beginning of
summer proceed for India on camels and with a guide
furnished by the Parthian king Bardanes. Of their
route we know only that it lay through a rich and
pleasant country, and that the villages they traversed
hurried to do them honour and to supply their wants ;
still continued to use the Greek language and character. Is this
credible ? The scattered Jews have not forgotten Hebrew. The
Germans, whom Theodoric in the sixth century located in the
mountains of the Vicentino, and who are known as the " Sette Com-
muni," are to this day Germans ; and the French refugees who,
after the edict of Nantes, settled at Friedrichsdorf in Hesse Hom-
burg, are still French. But these fragments of nations lived in
their own villages and married only among themselves ; and the
Jews, if unlike them, they have in a certain sense mixed with the
peoples among whom they have settled, yet they like them have
only married with their own race ; and they have besides a sacred
book written in a sacred language, the study of which is imperative
and necessary to their happiness here and hereafter. But these
Eretrians when they reached Susa were reduced, so writes Philo-
stratus, to four hundred men and but ten women. Not more then
than ten of their families spoke Greek as their mother tongue.
Of the remaining three hundred and ninety men, all who married
must have married native women, and their children spoke Persian
certainly and possibly Greek— but with every succeeding genera-
tion more Persian and less Greek— till after a few generations
Greek must have been all but forgotten. And that this was so
does not history by its very silence show ? Or how is it that from
the age of Herodotus to that of Apollonius we never hear the voice
of these Eretrians save in these pages ? And how is it that though
so near to Babylon they escaped the notice of Alexander and his
historians, who, the one so signally punished, and the other so
carefully recorded the punishment of the perfidious and self-exiled
Branchidse ? — Strabo, B. xi, xii, c. 49.
4 TRAVELS OF
for a gold plate^ on their leading camel announced them,
guests of the king. We then hear of them enjoying
the perfumed air^ at the foot of Caucasus, the mountain
range which, while it separates India from Media, ex-
tends by one of its branches to the Eed SeaJ Of this
Caucasus, they heard from the barbarians myths like
those of the Greek. They were told of Prometheus
and Hercules, not the Theban, and of the eagle ; some
pointed to a cavern, others to the mountain's two peaks,
a stadium apart, as the place w^here Prometheus was
bound ; and his chains, though of what made it is not
easy to guess,^ still hung, Damis says, from the rocks.
His memory too is still dear to the mountaineers, who
for his sake still pursue the eagle w^ith hate ; and now
lay snares for it, and now with fiery javelins destroy its
nest.^ On the mountain they find the people already
^ So Marco Polo relates that the monks sent by Kublai Khan
on an embassy to the Pope, receive " une table d'or en laquel se
contenoit ke les trois messages en toutes les pars qu'il alaissent
lor deust estre donnee toutes les messions que lor bazongnoit et
ohevalz et homes por lor escodre de une terre a I'autre." — P. 6,
Ed. Societe Geographique.
'^ So Burnes describes the plain of Peshawar, *' thyme and vio-
lets perfumed the air," (Bokhara, ii, 70). At Muchnee " a sweet
aromatic smell was exhaled from the grass and plants." (ih., 101.)
7 Wilford says " the Indian ocean is called Arunoda, or the Red
Sea, being reddened by the reflection of the solar beams from
that side of Meru of the same colour." (As. Ees., viii, p. 320, 8vo.)
s Kai Seafia 6 Aafxis an)<p9ai toop irerpuv \iyci, ov padia cvfi^aKMiv
rtiv v\riv. — II. B. 3 c.
9 The same tale is in Arrian and Strabo. Wilford thus accounts
for it : not far from Banyam is the den of Garuda, the bird-god ;
he devoured some servants of Maha Deva, and this drew upon him
the resentment of that irascible deity, whose servants are called
Pramat'has. As. Ees. vi, 312-3, corrected by viii, 259, and Eadja
Taranjini, i, p. 414.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 0
inclined to black/^ and the men four cubits high : on
the other side the Indus the men reached five cubits.^ ^
On their way to the river, as they were going along in
the bright moonshine, they fell in with an Empusa, who
now in this form now in that followed after them ; until
Apollonius, and at his instigation his companions, at-
tacked it with scoffs and jeers, the only safeguard against
it, and it fled away jabbering. ^^
As they approached the summit of the mountain, —
the dwelling of the Gods as their guide told them, —
they found the road so steep that they were obliged to
go on foot. On the other side, in the country between
Caucasus and the Cophen/^ they met men riding on
elephants, but they Avere only elephant herdsmen ;
others on dromedaries, which can run 1000 stadia in a
day without rest.^* Here an Indian on a dromedary
rode up to them and asked their guide whither they
^0 Strabo, xv, I, § 13, Arrian, Indica, c. vi.
11 Onesicritus, Frag. Hist. Alex. Didot, p. 55, § 25. Lord Corn-
wallis (Correspondence) remarks on the great height of the Bengal
Sepoys; Sir C. Napier (Life) thinks our infantry average two
inches below them, but cover more ground. Tall men, therefore ;
but five cubits !
'2 At the foot of the Indus and Cabool river... an ignis fatuus
shows itself every evening. — Burnes, II, p. 68. And consult Ma-
soudi's account of the goule and the mode in which the Arabs
rid themselves of it. — Les Prairies d'or. III, p. 314, tr. de la Societe
Asiatique.
'3 Cophen, i. e. Cabool. Caucasus Gravakasas, the bright rock
mountain, Bohlen, Das Alte Indien, I, p. 12. " Scyth8e...Cauca-
sum montem Groucasum, h. e., nive candidum appellavere.*' —
Plin. Hist. Nat., vi, 19.
1* Elphinstone says, " An elderly minister of the Eaja of Bika-
neer...had just come on a camel one hundred and seventy- five
miles in three days." (Caubul, Introduction, p. 230, I, v.) Sir C.
Napier mentions a march of eighty or ninety miles by his camel
corps without a halt (Life of Sii- C. H. Napier, II, 418), and has
6 TRAVELS OF
were going ; and when he was told the object of their
journey he told it again to the herdsmen, who shouted for
joy, called to them to come near, and gave them wine
and honey, both got from the palm ; and also slices of
lion and panther flesh, just killed.^^ They accepted
everything but the flesh, and rode onward in an easterly
direction.
At a fountain they sat down to dine ; and, in the
course of conversation, ApoUonius observed that they
had met many Indians singing, dancing, and rolling
about drunk with palm wine:^^ and that the Indian
money was of orichalcum and bronze — ^purely Indian,
and not stamped like the Eoman and Median coins. ^''
They crossed the Cophen, here not very broad or
no doubt with riding camels of marching two hundred miles in
forty-eight hours. — III, 78.
15 An exaggeration of a remark of Arrian*s probably : ^iTO(t>ayoi
5€...Ii'5oi eiaiv, daoi ye fir} opeioi avruw ovroi Se ra 6r}pfia Kpea anfovrai
("Indica," xvii, § 5), e. g. "bear's flesh and anything else they can
get" (Elphinstone of Caufiristaun, ih., II, 434), " they all eat flesh
half raw" {ih., 438). Sir C. Malet in a letter to Forbes tells of a
lion killed by him near Cambay. "The oil of the lion was ex-
tracted by stewing the flesh when cut up with a quantity of spices :
the meat was white and of a delicate appearance, and was eaten
by the hunters."— Orient. Mem., II, p. 182, 8vo. Sir H. Holland,
in his Eemains, speaks of having tasted " filet de lion" in Algeria,
but of it as coarse and unpleasant.
16 Of the same mountaineers, Elphinstone : " they drink wine to
excess" {ih.) And see from the Karnaparva an account of the
people of the Panjab, their irreverence, drunkenness, and disso-
luteness, to be matched however in our moral and Christian Lon-
don (Slokas, 11-13 ; in the Appendix to vol. i of Raj. Taran., 562).
JElian, i, 61, speaks of the Indian drinking bouts ; Pliny of the
wine : " Eeliquos vinum, ut Indos, palmis exprimere" (Hist. Nat.,
vi, 32) : the Vishnu Purana of wine from the Kadamba tree. —
P. 571, note 2.
17 The Indian money is : u\7j KfKoix^euixevri, metal refined, prepared ;
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 7
deep, themselves in boats, their camels on foot, and
now entered a country subject to a king. Here they
saw Mount Nysa ; it rises up to a peak, like Tmolus^^
in Lydia. It is cultivated, and its ascent has thus been
made practicable. On its summit they found a moderate
sized temple of Bacchus ; this temple was a circular
plot of ground, enclosed by a hedgerow of laurels, vines,
and ivy,^^ all of which had been planted by Bacchus
himself, and had so grown and intertwined their
branches together as to form a roof and walls impervious
to the wind and rain. In the interior Bacchus had
placed his own statue — in form an Indian youth, but of
white stone. About and around it lay crooked knives,
baskets and wine-vats in gold and silver, as if ready for
the vintage. Aye, and the cities at the foot of the
mountain hear and join in his orgies, and Nysa itself
quakes with them.
About Bacchus,2^Philostratus goes on to say — whether
and the Eoman K^xf^pay/xsp-n, stamped. In Menu's time gold and
silver coins were probably unknown, for he gives (viii, 131) " the
names of copper, silver, and gold weights commonly used among
men," TAtj KeKofirpiv/xevr), probably; but when ApoUonius visited
India we know that money, gold and silver coins, were current,
issued by the Indo-Greek and Indo-Scythic kings, vide Lassen,
** Baktrische Konige," passim.
*8 Nishadha, probably to the south of Meru (Vishnu Purana,
167). Arrian similarly connects Tmolus with Nysa. — Exped.
Alex., V, 1.
19 Laurels and ivy Alexander finds on Meru ; vines too by impli-
cation (Arrian, Exped., v, ii, § 6), but vines on which the grapes
do not ripen (Strabo, xv, § 8). Burnes says that in Cabool the
vines are so plentiful that the grapes are given for three months
in the year to cattle \^ut sup., ii, 131. See also Wilson's Ariana
Antiq., p. 193).
^ Chares, Hist. Alex., p. 117, § 13, one of the historians of Alex-
8 TRAVELS OF
speaking in his own person or from tlie journal of Damis
I know not — Greeks and Hindus are not agreed; for
tlie former assert that the Theban Bacchus with his
bacchanals conquered and overran India, and they cite,
among other proofs, a discus of Indian silver in the
treasury at Delphi, with this inscription : " Bacchus,
Jove and Semele's son, from India to the Delphian
Apollo." But of the latter, the Indians of the Caucasus
believe that he was an Assyrian stranger, not un-
acquainted however with him of Thebes ; while those of
the Indus and Ganges declare that he was the son of
the Indus,^^ and that the Theban Bacchus was his dis-
ciple and imitator, though he called himself the son of
Jove, and pretended to have been born of Jove's thigh,^^
/mrjpo^f Meros, a mountain near to N"ysa. They add,
that in honour of his Indian prototype, he planted Nysa
with vines brought from Thebes, and on Nysa the Greek
historians assert that Alexander celebrated the Bacchic
orgies,^^ but the mountaineers will have it that Alex-
ander, speaks of an Indian god, 'Sopoadeios, Sanscrit, Suradevas (von
Bohlen), Suryadeva, the Sun God (ScLlegel, Ind. Bib., i, 250) ;
whicli being interpreted is oivoiroios, tlie wine maker ; but the Vishnu
Parana knows of no wine god, only of a wine goddess (Varuna,
vide, pp. 76, 571, 4to. ed.) In general, however, Bacchus may be
identified with Siva, and Hercules with Vishnu and Krishna.
21 For the Indo-Bacchus myth, see Arrian, v, i, who receives it
with hesitation ; and Strabo, xv, I, 9, who rejects it ; Lassen, Ind.
Alt., II, 133 ; von Bohlen, ut sup., I, 142 ; and Schwanbeck on
Megasthenes, " Frag. Hist.," II, 420, Didot.
22 « Aroushi fille de Manou fut I'epouse de ce sage. Elle con9ut
de lui ce fameux Aaurva qui vint au monde en per9ant la cuisse
de son pere." — Mahabharata, i, 278; Fauche, tr.
23 According to Arrian, ut sup., and II, 5, it was Meru that
Alexander ascended, and on Meru that he feasted and sacrificed to
Bacchus.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 9
ander, notwithstanding his love of glory and of anti-
quity, never ascended the mountain, but satisfied him-
self with prayer and sacrifice at its foot. He so feared
lest the sight of the vines should raise in his soldiers,
long accustomed to water, a longing for wine and the
ease and pleasures of home.
The rock Aornus,^* though at no great distance from
Nysa, Darnis says they did not visit, as it was somewhat
out of their way. He heard however that it had been
taken by Alexander, and was fifteen stadia in Jieight ;
and that it w^as called Aornus, not because no bird
could fly over it, but because there was a chasm on its
summit which drew down to it all birds, much like the
Parthenon at Athens, and several places in Phrygia and
Lydia.25
On their way to the Indus, they fell in with a lad
about thirteen years old riding an elephant and urging
him ojk with a crooked rod, which he thrust into him
like an anchor. On the Indus itself they watched a
lierd of about thirty elephants, whom some huntsmen
were pursuing.^^ Apollonius admired the sagacity the
elephants displayed in crossing the river ; the smallest
and lightest led the way, the mothers followed holding
^ Strabo, xv, L. i, § 8. Aornus ; Awara, Awarana, a stockade. —
Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, p. 192; but Eenas according to v. Bohlen,
and Rani-garh according to Lassen, Indische Alterthums : 140,
note 7.
25 See Eustathius Com. in Dionys., p. 403, II Geog. Min. Ac-
cording to one of his authorities, the lake Lycophron like the lake
Aornus was impassable to birds because of its noisome exhalations.
26 Just in the same locality (see Arrian, IV, xxx, 7) Alexander
first sees a troop of elephants, and afterwards joins in an elephant
hunt.
10 TRAVELS OF
up tlieir cubs with their tusks and trunks, while the
largest brought up the rear. He spoke of their docility ;
their love for their keeper, how they would eat out of
his hand like dogs, coax him with their trunks, and, as
he had seen among the nomads, open wide their mouths
for him to thrust his head down their throats. He told
too, how during the night they would bewail their sla-
very, not with their usual roar, but with piteous moans ;
and how, out of respect for man, they would at his
approach stay their wailing; and he referred their
docility and ready obedience more to their own self-
command and tractable nature, than to the skill or power
of their guide and rider. From the people they heard
that elephants were found in the marsh, the mountain,
and the plain. According to the Indians,^'' the marsh
elephant is stupid and idle ; its teeth are few and black,
and often porous or knotted, and will not bear the knife.
The mountain elephants are treacherous and malignant,
and, save for their own ends, little attached to man ;
their teeth are small, but tolerably white, and not hard
to work. The elephants of the plain are useful animals,
tractable and imitative ; they may be taught to write,
and to dance and jump to the sound of the pipe f^ their
teeth are very long and white and may be easily cut to
any shapes. The Indians use the elephant in war ; they
fight from it in turrets, large enough for ten or fifteen
archers or spearmen ; and they say that it will itself
2'' All this was borrowed probably from Juba, but is so put as to
seem to rest on Hindu authority ; for ^lian, § 4 ; xiii, II, 1, of the
kinds of elephants. — tovs h^v e/c tuv €\<»v aKiaKofievovs avorjTovs Tjyovv-
Tai IvSoi.
'Q Confer Porphyry de Abstinentia, III, 15 ; died a.d. 305.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 11
join in the fight, holding and throwing the spear with
its trunk as with a hand. The Indian elephant is of a
large size, as much larger than the Lybian as this than
the Nissean horse. It lives to a great age, and Apol-
lonius saw one in Taxila which had fought against
Alexander about three hundred and fifty years before,
and which Alexander had honoured with the name of
Ajax. On its tusks were golden bracelets, with this
inscription: ''Ajax to the sun, from Alexander, the son
of Jove." The people were accustomed to anoint it
with unguents, and ornament it with garlands."^
When about to cross the Indus, their Babylonian
guide, who was unacquainted with the river, presented
to the Satrap of the Indus a letter from Bardanes. And
the Satrap, out of regard to the king, though no ofi&cer
of his, supplied them with his own barge for them-
selves, boats for their camels, and a guide to the Hydra -
otis. He also wrote to his sovereign, to beg him that,
in his treatment of this Greek and truly divine man, he
would emulate the generosity of Bardanes.
Where they crossed, the Indus was forty stadia in
breadth.^^ It takes its rise in the Caucasus f^ and, from
29 Pliny (vili, v) describes the elephant as crossing rivers in the
same way ; he speaks of their wonderful self-respect, " mirus
pudor," and of one called Ajax; Arrian (Indica, c. 14 and 15) of
their grief at being captured, of their attachment to their ke*^pers,
their love of music, and their long life extending though to but
two hundred years (Onesicritus gives them three hundred, and
sometimes five hundred years. — Strabo, xv) ; JElian (xiii, § 9) and
Pliny (viii) state that they carry three warriors only, and are much
larger than the African. The division into marsh and plain, etc.,
I suspect is from Juba.
*• Ctesias, 488, says the Indus is forty stadia where narrowest.
12 TR/VVELS OF
its Yerj fountain, is larger {/jbet^co avroOev) than any
other river in Asia.'^^ In its course it receives many
navigable rivers. Like the Mle^^ it overflows the
country, and deposits a fertilizing mud, which, as in
Egypt, prepares the land for the husbandman. It
abounds, like the Mle, with sea-horses and crocodiles,^^
as they themselves witnessed in crossing it {/cofit^ofjuevoi,
Be Boa Tov IvBov) ; and it produces, too, the same
flowers. In India the winter is warm, the summer
stifling ; but the heat, providentially, is moderated by
frequent rains. The natives told him, tliat when the
season for the rise of the river is at hand, the king
sacrifices on its banks black bulls and horses (black
among them, because of their complexion, being the
nobler colour), and after tlie sacrifice throws into the
river a gold measure like a corn measure, — why, the
people themselves knew not; but probably, as Apol-
lonius conjectured, for an abundant harvest, or for such
a moderate^^ rise of the river as would benefit the land.
See Lassen, ut sup., II, 637, who accounts for Ctesias's exag-gera-
tion (his reasons do not apply to Damis ), and Wilson's Notes on
the Indica of Ctesias, who excuses it (p. 13).
8^ " Indus... in jugo...Caucasi montis...effusus...undeviginti ac-
cipit Simn.es... nusquam latior quinquaginta stadiis." — Pliny, Hist.
Nat., vi, 23.
^■^ So Ctesias, so Ibn Batuta : " the Scinde is the greatest river
in the world, and overflows during the hot weather just as the
Nile does ; and at this time they sow the land." Burnes, I think,
shows that it carries a greater body of water than the Ganges.
33 Strabo, xv. § 16.
31 Eratosthenes gives it the same animals as the Nile, except
the sea-horse ; Onesicritus the sea-horse also. — Strabo, u. s., 13.
35 Sir C. Napier attributed a fever which prostrated his army
and the natives to an extraordinary rise of the Indus. — Quarterly
Eeview, October 1858, p. 499.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. Ii3
Tlie Indus passed, their new guide led them straight
to Taxila,^^ where was the palace of the Indian king.
The people here wore cotton, the produce of the country,
and sandals made of the fibre or bark of the papyrus^^
{vTTohrjfiara /SvjSXov), and a leather cap when it rained.
The better classes were clad in byssus, a stuff wdtli
whicli Apollonius, who affected a sombre colour in
his dress, was much pleased. This byssus grows on
a tree, like the poplar in its stem, but with leaves
like the wiUow ; it is exported into Egypt for sacred
uses.
Taxila^^ was about the size of Nineveh, w^alled like a
Greek cit}^, and was the residence of a sovereign who
ruled over what of old was the kingdom of Porus. Just
outside the walls^^ was a temple of near a hundred feet,
of porphyry'^ (\l6ou KoyxyXcarov) , and in it a shrine,
^ See Aristobulus, Account of the Progress of Alexander. —
Strabo, u. s., § 17.
=" AiTian's Indica : *' Their dress is of cotton, their sandals of
leather;" but Herodotus gives the Egyptian priests, virodrjuaTa
Pv&\ipa—II, 37.
i8 Wilford (As. Ees., viii, 349) speaks of Tacshaila and its ruins ;
Wilson identifies Taxila with Taksha-sila of the Hindus between
the Indus and Hydaspes, in the vicinity of Manikyala (Ar. Ant.,
196, Elphinstone, ed. 1, 130). Arrian celebrates its size and wealth
the largest city between the Indus and the Hydaspes. — V, 8,
Exp. Alex.
'■^^ Ram Eaz (Architecture of the Hindus, p. 2), of the temples of
Vishnu and Siva, says that the latter should be without the village.
Hiouen-Thsang (I, 151), describes Taxila, and speaks of a stupa
and convent outside the walls, built by Asoka.
■^o The tope of Manikyala described by Elphinstone is a hundred
(150) paces in circumference, and seventy feet high {Ari. Ant., 31).
Lassen (II, 514, com. 1181) speaks of the influence of Greek art on
Indian architecture; but adds, that the Indians built with brick.
They may, however, have faced their buildings with stone; and
14 TRAVELS OF
small considering the size of the temple and its many
columns, but still very beautiful. Eound the shrine
were hung pictures on copper tablets, representing the
feats of Alexander and Porus. The elephants, horses,
soldiers, and armour, were portrayed in a mosaic*^ of
orichalcum, silver, gold, and oxydised copper {fiekavo
'XoXkg)); the spears, javelins, and swords in iron; but
the several metals were all worked into one another
with so nice a gradation of tints, that the pictures they
formed, in correctness of drawing, vivacity of expression,
and truthfulness of perspective,*^ reminded one of the
productions of Zeuxis, Polygnotus and Euphranor.
They told too of the noble character of Porus, for it
was not till after the death of Alexander that he placed
them in the temple, — and this, though they represented
Alexander as a conqueror, and himself as conquered
and wounded, and receiving from Alexander the king-
dom of India.
In this temple they wait until the king can be
apprised of their arrival. Apollonius whiles away the
time with a conversation upon painting, in the course
of which he remarks that colour is not necessary to a
picture; that an Indian drawn in chalk would be
known as an Indian and black of colour, by his some-
what flat nose, his crisp hair, his large jaws, and wild
the X160S Ko'yx^'^^o-T'n^ ma-y have been of tliat porphyry, or red
marble, used in the tombs at Tattah. — Life of Sir C. Napier, iv, 38.
^^ Lassen (513-14) states, on Sinhalese authority, that the Hin-
dus were skilled in mosaics ; and (II, 426-7) he describes a casket,
the figures on which he supposes were of a mosaic of precious
stones.
*^ To evax^ov TO efiirvovy Kai to ea^xop T€ Kai e|exor.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 15
eyes."^^ While they are thus talking, a messenger and
interpreter arrive from the king, with a permit for them
to enter the city, and to stay in it three days, beyond
which time no strangers are allowed in Taxila.
They are taken to the palace. They found the city
divided by narrow streets, well-arranged, and remind-
ing them of Athens. From the streets, the houses
seemed of only one story, but they all had an under-
ground floor.** They saw the Temple of the Sun, and
in it statues of Alexander and Porus, the one gold, the
other of bronze {/uueXavi 'xoKkm) ; its walls were of red
marble, but glittering with gold ; the image of the god
was of pearls,*^ having, as is usual with the barbarians
in sacred things, a symbolical meaning.
The palace was distinguished by no extraordinary
magnificence, and was just like the house of any citizen
of the better class. There were no sentinels or body-
guards and but few servants about, and perhaps three
or four persons who were waiting to talk with the king.
The same simplicity was observable in the courts, halls,
waiting and inner rooms ; and it pleased ApoUonius
more than all the pomp of Babylon. When admitted
to the king's presence, ApoUonius, through the inter-
preter, addressed the king as a philosopher, and com-
''^ Arrian, Indica, vi, and compare with it Vishnu Parana, note
4, p. 100, where is a description of the barbarous races of India.
•''* Lassen, ut siijp., 514. The underground floor, Elphinstone
says, even the poor have at Peshawur. — Caubul, Introduc, p. 74.
^^ "On represente le soleil la face rouge... ses membres sont
prononcps, il porte des pendants a ses oreilles. Un collier de perles
lui descend du cou sur la poitrine." — Reinaud, Mem. sur I'lnde,
p. 121. "Albyrouny rapporte que de son temps il y avoit un
temple erige au soleil, avec une statue." — pp. 97, 98, 99.
16 TRAVELS OF
plimented him on his moderation. The king, Phraotes,
in answer, said that he was moderate because his w^ants
were few, and that as he was wealthy, he employed his
wealth in doing good to his friends and in subsidizing
the barbarians, his neighbours, to prevent them from
themselves ravaging, or allowing other barbarians to
ravage his territories. Here one of his courtiers offered
to crowm him with a jewelled mitre, but he refused it,
as well because all pomp was hateful to him, as because
of ApoUonius's presence.
Apollonius inquired into his mode of life. The king
told him that he drank but little wine, as much as he
usually poured out in libation to the sun ; that he
hunted for exercise/^ and gave away wdiat he killed ;
that, for himself, he lived on vegetables and herbs, and
the head and fruit of the palm, and other fruits^^ which
he cultivated with his own hands. With this account
of his kingly tastes and occupations Apollonius was de-
lighted, and he frequently looked at Damis. They now
talked together a long time about the road to the Brah-
mans ; and when they had done, the king ordered the
Babylonian guide to be treated with the hospitality
wont to be shown to travellers from Babylon, and the
satrap guide to be sent back home with the usual travel-
ling allowance. Then taking Apollonius by the hand,
^^ V. Strabo, of the Mysicani, ih., 34.' "But drinking, dice,
women and hunting, let the king consider as the four most per-
nicious vices." — Menu, vii, 50.
47 Arrian, Indica, xi, c. § 8. So Nacir Eddin of Delhi, " copiat
des exemplaires du livre illustre, les vendait, et se nourrissait avec
le prix qu'il en retirait." — Ibn Batoutah, 169, iii, tr. d. 1. Soc.
Asiatique.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 17
and ordering the interpreter to leave them, Phraotes
asked him, in Greek, to receive him, the king, as a table
companion. ApoUonius, surprised, inquired why he
had not spoken Greek from the first. " Because", an-
swered the king, " I would not seem bold, or to forget
til at I am, after all, only a barbarian ; but your kind-
ness, and the pleasure you take in my conversation,
have got the better of me, and I can no longer conceal
myself from you. And how I became thus acquainted
with Greek I will presently show you at large." " But
why," again asked ApoUonius, " instead of inviting me,
did you beg me to invite you to dinner ?" " Because,"
said the king, " I look on you as the better man ; for
wisdom is above royalty {to ^ap ^aaCKiKcoTepov o-o<j)ta
€X€i')'^^ So saying, he led him to the place where he
was accustomed to bathe.^^ This was a garden,^^ about
a stadium long, with a swimming bath of cold running
water in the middle of it, and on each side an exercising
ground. Here he practised the discus and the javelin,
Greek fashion,^^ and then, when tired, jumped into the
water, and exercised himself with swimming. Atter
*^ The old Stoic maxim : " Solus sapiens rex." Olearius in
Philost.
'^^ Hiouen Thsang, I, 70, 71, describes the nice cleanliness of the
Indians, but confines the washing before meat to the hands.
w Confer Elian's description of the garden of the Indian kings,
xiii, c. 18, de Nat. Animal.
" Menu of the kingly duties : " Having consulted with his mi-
nisters,...having used exercise becoming a warrior, and having
bathed, let the king enter at noon his private apartments for the
purpose of taking food" (vii, 216). But Strabo (xv, i, 51) says,
the Indians use friction rather than gymnastic exercises.
C
18 TRAVELS OF
the bath they went to dinner, crowned with garlands,^^
as is usual with the Indians when they feast in the
king's palace.
Of the dinner Damis has given a detailed account.
The king, and about five of his family with him, lay on
a low couch ; the other guests sat on stools. The table
was like an altar, about as high as a man's knee; it was
in the middle of the room, round, and as large as would
be a circle formed by thirty people with joined hands
standing up to dance. It was strewed over with laurel,
and a sort of myrtle from which the Indians prepare
their unguents, and was set out with fish and birds, the
carcases of lions and goats and sows, and with tiger
loins^^ — the only part of the tiger they eat, and this be-
cause they suppose that at its birth it raises its fore-
paws to the rising sun. Each guest, as he wanted any-
thing, got up and went to the table ; and taking a bit of
this, cutting off a slice of that, he returned to his seat
and ate his fill, always eating bread with his meat.
When they had had enough, gold and silver bowls, each
one large enough for ten guests, were brought in, and
from these they drank, stooping down like cattle. In
the meanwhile, they were amused by various feats which
required no little skill and courage : a javelin was
thrown upward, and at the same time a boy leaped at
^2 " Le roi et ses ministres ornent lenrs tetes de guirlandes do
fleurs." — Hiouen Thsang, p. 70, I, v.
^ Strabo, quoting Nearchus, better describes the Indians, at
least he describes them as we at this day find them : /urj5f '^ap
voaovs iivai iroWas Tiia rrjv Xirorrjra ttjs Siamjs Kai rrjp aoiuiav (xv, 1,
45 ), their food principally opv^av po^rjTTjj/, rice curry or porridge ?
— § 53. See however, n. 17, p. 6, sux>ra.i
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 19
it and tumbled head over heels while in the air, but in
such a way that lie passed over the javelin as it fell,
and with the certainty of being wounded if he did not
properly time his somersault ; indeed the weapon was
carried round, and the guests tested its sharpness. One
man also was so good a marksman, that he set up his
own son against a board, and then threw his darts, so
aiming tliem that, fixed in the board, they traced out
his son's outline.^*
Damis and tlie others were much amused with these
entertainments ; but ApoUonius, who was at .the king's
table, paid little attention to them ; and, turning to the
king, asked him, how he came to know Greek, and
where he acquired his philosophy. The king, smiling,
answered, " In old times when a ship put into port, the
people used to ask its crew if they were pirates,^^ piracy
was then so common. But now, though philosophy is
^ A Cliinese juggler lately performed the same feat in London,
and a very small feat compared with that of Baresanes, an Arme-
nian, which Julius Africanus himself witnessed. He shot his arrows
with such precision as with them to sketch out on a shield the
portrait of the man who had it. See the passage from the Keo-rot,
quoted by Hilgenfeld (Bardesanes, p. 14, n. 6). This archer, Bar-
desanes, Hilgenfeld is inclined to think is the same man as the
heresiarch Bardesanes; for they were cotemporaries, and both
were connected with the court of the Abgari. But one was a
learned man and a philosopher, the other skilled in archery — and
so skilled, that whatever his natural aptitude, he never could have
attained to his wonderful proficiency but by life-long painstaking
practice, a devotion to his art only to be met with in him who
has to live by it, and quite incompatible with the cultivated tastes
and scholarship of his namesake. It would require some very
strong evidence to induce me to identify them as one and the
same.
*5 Allusion to Thucydides, I.
20 TRAVELS OF
God's most precious gift to man, the first question you
Greeks put to a stranger, even of the lowest rabble, is
'Are you a philosopher ?' And in very truth with you
Greeks, I speak not of you Apollonius, philosophy is
much the same as piracy, for to the many who profess
it, it is like an ill-fitting garment which they have
stolen, and in which they strut about awkwardly, trail-
ing it on the ground. And like thieves, on whom the
fear of justice presses, they hurry to enjoy the present
hour, and give themselves up to gluttony, debauchery,
and effeminacy ; and no wonder, for while your laws
punish coiners of bad money, they take no cognizance
of the authors and utterers of a false philosophy. Here,
on the other hand, philosophy is a high honour, and be-
fore we allow any one to study it, we first send him to
the home of the Brahmans, who inquire into his charac-
ter and parentage. He must shew that his progenitors,
for three generations, have been without stain or re-
proach, and that he himself is of pure morals and of a
retentive intellect. The character of his progenitors,"
the king went on to say, " if of living men, was ascer-
tained from witnesses ; and if of dead, was known from
the public records.^^ For when an Indian died, a legally
appointed officer repaired to his house, and inquired
into, and set down in writing, his mode of life, and
exactly, under the penalty of being declared incapable
^ Strabo of the Indian city sediles says a part took note of the
birth and deaths, that the birth or death of good or bad men may
be known : jjltj a(pav€is eieu al Kpeiroves Kat x^^^P^^^ yovai Kai Qavaroi
(XV, 1, 51) ; from Megasthenes, Frag. Hist., II, p. 431, § 37, and
consult Bardesanes' account of the 2a^aj/atot in 1. iv, c. 17, of Por-
phyry de Abstinentia.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 21
of holding any public office. As to the youth himself,
they judged him worthy or otherwise from his eyes, eye-
brows, and cheeks, which as in a mirror reflect the mind
and disposition."
The king then told how his father, the son of a king,
had been left very young an orphan ; and how during
his minority two of his relatives according to Indian
custom acted as regents, but with so little regard to law,
that some nobles conspired against them, and slew them
as they were sacrificing to the Indus, and seized upon
the government ; — how on this his father, then sixteen
years of age, fled to the king beyond the Hydaspes, a
greater king than himself, who received him kindly, and
oftered either to adopt him, or to replace him on his
throne ; and how, declining this offer, he requested to
be sent to the Brahmans ; and how the Brahmans edu-
cated him ; and how in time he married the daughter
of the Hydaspian king, and received with her seven
villages as pin-money (ek ^cov7]v), and had issue one
son, — himself, Phraotes. Phraotes told of himself, that
he was brought up by his father in the Greek fashion
till the age of twelve; that he was then sent to the
Brahmans, and treated by them as a son, for "they
especially love", he observed, "those who know and
speak Greek, as akin to them in mind and disposition";
that his parents died ; and that in his nineteenth year,
just as, by the advice of the Brahmans, he was begin-
ning to take into his own hands the management of his
estates, he was deprived of them by the king, his uncle,
and was then supported with four servants by willing
contributions from his mother's freedmen {aireXevdepoov).
22 TRAVELS OF
As however he is one day reading the Heraclidse, he
hears from a friend of his father's, that if he will return
home, he may recover his family kingdom, but he must
he quick. The tragedy he was reading he accepts as
an omen ; and he goes on to say : — " When I crossed
the Hydraotis, I heard that, of the usurpers, one was
already dead, and the other besieged in this very palace ;
so I Imrried on, proclaiming to the villages I passed
through who I was, and what were my rights : and the
people received me gladly; and declaring I was the very
picture of my father and grandfather, they accompanied
me, many of them armed with swords and bows, and
our numbers increased daily; and when we reached
this city, the inhabitants, with torches lit at the altar
of the Sun, and singing the praises of my father and
grandfather, came out and welcomed me, and brought
me hither. But the drone within they walled up,^''
though I begged them not to kill him in that way.
Apollonius then enquired whether the Sophoi of
Alexander and these Brahmans were the same people.
The king told him they were not; that Alexander's
Sophoi were the Oxydracse,^^ a free and warlike race,
but rather dabblers in philosophy than philosophers f^
that the Brahman country lay between the Hyphasis
and the Ganges ; and that Alexander never invaded
it — not through fear, but dissuaded by the appearance
57 I prefer Olearius's reading, rov Se eiaao xvl^V^o- ""ept, to reixos
fip^uv, better suited to tlie xv^PW""
53 Strabo, xv, I, 33, connects them with the Malli. Bumes
identifies them with the people of Ooch, the Malli with those of
Mooltan. — Ut sup., I, p. 99.
59 ^o<piap 5e fierax^ipiaaoBai, ovSey xP't'^'^o'^ etSoras. — Philost., II,
C. 33.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 23
of the sacrificial victims. "And though," said Phraotes,
he might it is true have crossed the Hyphasis and
occupied the neighbouring lands, yet the stronghold of
the Brahmans he never could have taken — no, not
though every man in his army had been an Ajax or an
Achilles.^^ For these sacred and god-loved men would
have driven him back — not with human weapons, but
with thunders and lightnings, and tempests, as they
had routed the Egyptian Hercules and Bacchus, who
thought with united arms to have stormed their fort ;
and so routed them, that Hercules it is said threw away
his golden shield, which, because of its owner's renown
and its own embossments,^^ they then set up as an
offering in their temple."
While they were thus conversing, music and a song
were introduced, on which ApoUonius enquired what the
festal procession meant. The king explained to him that
it was usual with the Indians to sing to the king before
he retired to rest, songs of good counsel, wishing him
good dreams, and that he may rise in the morning a
good man and a wise counsellor for his people^^. And
«> So the pseudo-Callistlienes notices the OxydracaB as speaking
Greek, p. 88, and as visited but not conc[uered by Alexander, p.
99, ed. Muller.
61 These embossments represented, the king goes on to say,
Hercules setting up his pillars at Gades, and driving back the
ocean ; proof, he asserts, that it was the Egyptian, and not the
Theban Hercules, who was at Gades.
«2 Menu, among the vices the king is to shun, names dancing
and instrumental music (vii, 47), but afterwards advises that, " in
the inmost recesses of his mansion, having been recreated by
musical strains, he should take rest early." — vii, 224-5 ; see, how-
ever. As. Ees., ix, p. 76.
24 TEAVELS OF
SO talking, they went to bed. The next morning, Apol-
lonius discourses upon sleep and dreams, and the king
displays his knowledge of Greek legends. They then
separate — the king to transact the business of his
kingdom and to decide some law-suits — Apollonius to
offer his prayers to the Sun. When they again meet,
the king tells Apollonius that the state of the victims
had not permitted the Court to sit on that day, and he
lays before him a case in dispute — one of treasure-
trove, and in land which has just changed hands, the
buyer and seller both claiming the treasure. The king
is in much perplexity, and states the pleas on both
sides ; and the suit might have been drawn out to the
same length, and become as celebrated as that of the
ass and the shadow at Abdera, had not Apollonius
come to his assistance. He inquires into the life and
character of the litigants ; finds that the seller is a bad,
and the purchaser a good man ; and to the last there-
fore awards the treasure.
When the three days of their sojourn were expired,
and the king learns that their camels from Babylon are
worn out, he orders that of his white camels^ on the
Indus, four shall be sent to Bardanes, and four others
given to Apollonius, together with provisions and a
guide to the Brahmans. He offers him besides gold
and jewels and linen garments ; the gold Apollonius
refuses, but he accepts the linen garments because they
are like the old genuine Attic cloak, and he picks out
besides one jewel, because of its mystic and divine
^ Elphinstone {ut supra, I, 40) speaks of white camels as
rare.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 25
properties. He receives also a letter for larchas,^ to
this effect : — " The King Phraotes to the Master larchas
and the wise men with him, greeting: Apollonius, a
very wise man, thinks you wiser than himself, and has
travelled hither to learn your doctrine. Send him back
knowing all you know. Your lessons will not be lost,
for he speaks better, and has a better memory than any
man I ever knew. Shew him. Father larchas, the
throne on which I sat when you gave me the kingdom.
His followers are worthy of all praise, if only for
submitting to such a man. Farewell."
They leave Taxila, and after two days' journey,
reach the plain, where Porus is said to have en-
countered Alexander. There they saw a triumphal
arch serving as a pediment to a statue of Alexander in
a four-horse chariot, as he appeared on the Issus. A
little farther on, they came upon two other arches, on
one of which was Alexander, on the other Porus — the
one saluting, the other in an attitude of submission.
Having passed the Hydraotis,^^ they pursued their
way through several countries^^ to the Hyphasis.
Thirty stadia from the river, they saw : the altars Alex-
ander had built there " To Father Ammon and Brother
Hercules, to the Providence Minerva and Olympian
Jove, and to the Samo-Thracian Cabiri and the Indian
Sun and Brother Apollo :" and also a bronze pillar with
this inscription : — " Here Alexander halted." And this
^ Probably, suggests Wilford, a corruption from Eac'hyas.—
As. Res., ix, 41.
^ Hydraotis, in Strabo Hyarotis, Sanskrit Iravati; Hyphasis,
Vipasa. —Vishnu Purana, p. 181.
^ Strabo gives the number as nine. — xv, I, 3, 33.
26 TRAVELS OF
pillar Philostratus conjectures was raised by the Indians
in joy at the return homeward of Alexander.
In reference to the Hyphasis and its marvels, we are
told that it is navigable at its very source, in a plain ;
but that lower down alternate ridges of rock impede
its course, and cause eddies which render navigation
impossible. It is about as broad as the Ister, the
largest of our European rivers, and the same sort of
trees grow upon its banks. From these trees the people
obtain an unguent with which if the marriage guests
neglect to anoint the bride and bridegroom, the marriage
rite is thought informal and not pleasing to Venus. To
Venus indeed its groves are dedicated, as also a fish found
here only, the peacock, so called from its cserulean crest,
spotted scales, and golden tail, which it can open out at,
its pleasure. In this river is also found a sort of white,
worm, the property of the king, which is melted into
an oil so inflammable, that nothing but glass will hold
it. This oil is used in sieges, and when thrown on the
battlements, it burns so fiercely, that its fire, so far as
yet known, is inextinguishable.^^
In the marshes they catch wild asses with a horn on
their foreheads,^^ with which they fight, bull-fashion.
From this horn is made a cup of such virtue that if
67 This worm is mentioned and described by Ctesias, but he
places it in the Indus.— Frag. Ctes., ed. Didot, 27, p. 85.
® This ass and its horn, with some slight difference, are also in
Gtesias {ih., p. 25). Wilson sees in this horned ass two animals
" rolled into one," the gorkhar, or wild horse, found north of the
Hindu -Koh, and the rhinoceros, whose horn has to this day in the
East a high reputation as an antidote. — Notes on Ctesias, 63
and 49.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 27
any one drinks out of it, he need for that day fear no
sickness, nor wounds, nor fire, nor poison. It belongs
to the king, who also reserves to himself the right of
hunting the ass. Apollonius saw the animal, and
admired it ; but when Damis asked him if he could
believe all that was said of the virtue of the cup, he
answered, " Yes, when I see any Indian king immortal."
Here they met with a woman black to her breasts,
white from her breasts downwards. She was sacred to
the Indian Venus, and to this goddess piebald women
are sacred from their birth, as to Apis among the
Egjrptians. Here they crossed that spur of the Cau-
casus which stretches down towards the Eed Sea ; it
was full of all sorts of aromatic plants. The headlands
produced cinnamon,^^ a shrub very like a young vine
(yeoL^ K\i]/jLa<Tt), and so grateful to goats, that if you
hold it in your hands they will follow you and whine
after you like dogs. On the cliffs grow the tall, and all
other sorts of, frankincense, and pepper-trees. The
pepper-tree resembles the dyvo'^ both in its leaves and
the clustered form of its fruit. It grows on precipices
inaccessible to man, but frequented by apes, which, as
they gather for them the pepper-fruit, the Indians make
much of and protect with arms and dogs against the
lion ; for the lion will lie in wait for the ape, and eat
its flesh as medicine when he is sick, and as food when
he is old and no longer able to hunt the stag and wild
boar. The pepper harvest is gathered in this way : —
Directly under the cliffs where the peppers grow, the
6» Strabo, xv, I, 22, but in the south of India. I believe it is
indigenous to Ceylon, and is not found in India at all.
SB TRAVELS OF
people dig small trenches into which they throw as
something worthless the fruit of the neighbouring
trees.70 The monkeys from the heights watch them,
and as soon as it is night, begin like them to tear the
clustered fruits from the pepper, and like them to fling
it into the trenches. In the morning the people come
back and carry off the pepper, which they thus obtain
without any labour.
On the other side of the mountain was a large plain
— the largest in India, being fifteen days' journey to the
Ganges, and eighteeen days' to the Eed Sea. It was
intersected with dykes running in different directions,
and communicating with the Ganges, and serving the
double purpose of landmarks and canals for irrigation.
The land here is the best in India, black and very
productive ; its wheat stalks are like reeds,'^^ and its
beans three times as large as the Egyptian ; its sesame
and millet are also extraordinarily fine. Here, too,
'0 Strabo {ih., § 29) describes a similar trick, by means of which
the people catch the monkeys ; and Lane observes, " I have my-
self seen paintings in ancient Egyptian tombs representing the
mode of gathering fruit by means of tame monkeys" (Arab. Nights,
III, p. 106, and Wilkinson, An. Egypt., II, 150). But without gain-
saying the fact that monkeys may be taught to pick fruit, all I
have seen of them confirms Waterton's observation, that the
monkey never throws, only lets fall.
■^1 Elphinstone, describing this bank of the Hyphasis, tells only
of sand-hills, and hard clay, and tufts of grass, and little bushes
of rue. Of the right bank, however, he says : " There were
so many large and deep watercourses throughout the journey,
that, judging from them alone, the country must be highly culti-
vated."—Introd. Burnes, too, observes of Balkh : "The crops
are good, and the wheat stalks grow as high as in England, and
do not present the stunted stubble of India." — Ut sup,, II, 206.
APOLLOXIUS OF TYANA. 29
grow those nuts, which for their rarity and size are, as
a sort of curiosity, often found in Greek temples. The
grapes of the country however are small, like the
Lydian and Maeonian, and with an agreeable bouquet
"when gathered (ra? 8e a/^TreXoi;? Trorcfiov^ re Kat
avOoafiia^ ofiov tm airoTpvyav.) A tree is also found
here like the laurel but with a fruit like a large pome-
granate, within the husk of which is an apple of the
colour of a fine hyacinth, and the very best flavoured
fruit they ever ateJ^
As they came down the mountain, they witnessed a
dragon-hunt. India, its marshes, plains, and mountains,
are full of dragons."^^ Of these they tell us that the
marsh-dragon is thirty cubits long, sluggish, and with-
out a crest ; the male very like the female (aXX! eivai
rai^ BpaKaivaL<; ofioioc). Its back is black, and it has
fewer scales than the other kinds. Homer, when he
speaks of the dragon at the fount in Aulis as of blood-
red back, describes the marsh-dragon better than the
other poets, who make the Nemsean dragon crested ; for
crested you wiU hardly find any marsh-dragon.
The plain and hill-dragons are superior to, and larger
than, the marsh kind. They move along more swiftly
72 Can this be the purple mangosteen, such as it might be de-
scribed by those who only knew of it from hearsay ?
" Almost all that is here said of serpents will be found in Pliny
(viii, 11, 13) ; their size, though scarcely so large as those of Philo-
Btratus, is noticed by Onesicritus and Nearchus (Frag. Hist. Alex.,
pp. 50 and 105, Didot) ; their beards by -^lian (xi, c. 2G) ; the
beard and the stone in their heads, with some difference (the
stones are avToy\v<poi), by Tzetzes from Poseidippus.— Chil., vii,
653, 669 J the magic power of their eyes, by Lucan (vii, 657).
30 TRAVELS OF
than the swiftest rivers, and nothing can escape them.
They are crested ; and though in the young the crest is
small [fjuirpiov), when they are full-grown, it rises to a
great height. They are of a fiery colour, with serrated
backs, and bearded ; their necks are erect, and their
scales shine like silver. The pupils of their eyes are a
fiery stone of wonderful and mystic properties. They
are hunted for the sake of their eyes, skin, and teeth.
A dragon of this kind will sometimes attack an ele-
phant f* both then perish, and are a "find" for the
huntsmen. They resemble the largest fish, but are
more lithe and active ; their teeth are hard as those of
the whale.
The mountain dragons are larger than those of the
plain, and with a fiercer look ; their scales are golden,
their beard too, which hangs in clusters ; they glide on
the earth with a sound as of brass ; their fiery crests
throw out a light brighter than that of a torch. They
overpower the elephant, but become themselves the
prey of the Indian. They are killed in this fashion.
The Indians spread out before the serpent's hiding-
place a scarlet carpet enwrought with golden characters,
upon which, should the dragon chance to rest his head,
he is charmed to sleep. They then, with incantations,^^
call him out of his hole ; and if everything goes well —
for often he gets the better of them and their " gramary"
'* This is said of the Ceylon elephants and serpents in the Chili-
ads of Tzetzes from Poseidippus, vii, 212.
75 The snake charmer still exists in India. Bochart (Hierozo.,
cvi. III, II, V.) gives all the passages in ancient authors bearing on
the subject.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 31
— as soon as with outstretched neck he is lulled in
magic sleep, they rush on him with hatchets and cut
off his head, and extract from it bright-coloured stones/^
flashing with every hue, and of powers wonderful as
those of Gyges' ring. These dragons are also found in
the mountains bordering on the Eed Sea. They are said
to live to an incredible age, but of this nothing sure
is known.
At the foot of the mountain was situated Paraka, a
very large city. Its inhabitants are, from their youthj
trained to hunt the dragon, and it is full of their trophies
— ^the heads of dragons. They eat the hearts and livers,
and in this way, as was proved by Apollonius him self, ^^
they acquire a knowledge of the language and thoughts
of animals.
Proceeding onwards, our travellers hear the sound of
a shepherd's pipe,"^^ and presently see a herd of white
stags grazing. The Indians keep them for their milk,^^
which is very nourishing.
Thence, after a four days' journey through a fertile
''s Moor's Oriental Fragments, pp. 80-5, gives an account of the
snake stones, "of a dark hue, though not always of the same colour,
and about the size of a tamarind stone", and describes the modes
by which the snake charmer compels the snake to disgorge them.
The pretensions of the snake charmer are pretty well disposed of
by Professor Owen in a paper on snake charming in Blackwood,
Feb. 1872.
77 At Ephesus (1. iv, c. 3), where he displayed his knowledge of
the language of spaiTows.
■^ Strabo {ut sup., c. 22) says, they have no musical instruments
besides cymbals, drums, and KpdraKoi (rattles, castanets ?).
79 «« The milk of any forest beast, except the buffalo, must be
carefully shunned." — Menu, v. 11.
32 TRAVELS OF
and well-cultivated country, they approached the strong-
hold of the Sophoi ; and now their guide ordered his
camel to kneel, and jumped down sweating with fear.
Then Apollonius knew where they were, and laughed
at the Indian and bade him again mount his camel.
The fact is, the near neighbourhood of the Sophoi
frightened him ; and, indeed, the people fear them more
than the king ; for the king consults them as he would
an oracle, and does nothing without their advice and
concurrence.^^
When they had reached a village, not the eighth of a
mile from the hill of the Sophoi, and were preparing to
put up there, they perceived a young man running to-
wards them. He was the very blackest Indian they
had yet seen, with a bright spot, crescent-shaped, be-
tween his brows, much such a mark as Menon, the
Ethiopian foster-child of the sophist Herod, had in his
youth. He bore a golden anchor, which, as symbolical
of holding fast, the Indians have made their caduceus.
When the messenger coming up addressed Apollonius
in Greek, as the villagers also spoke Greek, his com-
panions were not much surprised; but when he ad-
dressed Apollonius by name, they were struck with
astonishment, all but Apollonius, who, now full of con-
fidence, looking at Damis, said, "The men we have come
to visit are wise indeed ; they know the future :" and
then turning to the Indian, he asked him what he should
do, for he wished to converse with the Sophoi imme-
80 Vide Hist. Frag. II, 438, on a fragment of Megasthenes and
Bardesanes on Brahmans and Samanceans in Porphyry, de Absti-
nent., 1. iv, c. 17, ad calcem.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 33
diately. The man answered, " Leave your people here,
but come you, just as you are, so they (aurot) request."
This " they" seemed to ApoUonius quite Pythagorean,
and he followed the messenger rejoicing.
♦The hill of the Sophoi^^ rose sheer up from the plain,
and was about as high as the Acropolis at Athens. It
was besides fortified by a goodly belt of rock, on which
you might trace the impressions of hoofs, and beards,
and faces, and what seemed the backs of falling men.
And they heard that when Bacchus and Hercules at-
tempted the place, Bacchus ordered his Pans, as able to
shake it to its foundation (Uavovf; 7r/309 tov creiafjiov), to
storm it : but thunderstruck by the Sophoi, they fell
headlong one upon the other and so left these marks
upon the stones. They said also, that about and around
this hill a cloud hung within which the Sophoi dwelt
visible and invisible^^ at will, and that their stronghold
was without gates, so that it could not be called either
enclosed or open.
ApoUonius and his guide ascended the hill on the
south side. He saw a well some twenty-four feet about.^-^
Over its mouth hung a dark vapour which rose^* as the
s^ Otesias tells of a sacred place in an uninhabited part of the
country, which the Indians honour in the name of the sun and
the moon ; it is fifteen days' journey from the Sardian mountains
— TOV opovi rrjs 2ap5ou$, § 8, p. 81, ed. Didot. See also Eeinaud, who
mentions that this castle of the Brahmans was known to the Arabs
— not improbably throu<,'h Philostratus.— Mem. de I'lnde, p. 86.
82 A somewhat similar power is ascribed to the Caraunas by
Marco Polo, p. 33, u. s., and is employed to beguile Oswif. — Burnt
Nial., c. xii, 1. 40.
83 Opyviwu nrrapwv.
^ " In the morning, vapours or clouds of smoke ascended from
D
34 TRAVELS OF
heat of the day increased and at noon gave out all the
colours of the rainbow. He was told that here the sub-
soil was cinnabar ((TavZapd')(Lvr} yrj), and that the water
of the well was sacred, and never used, and that all the
neighbourhood swore by it. Near this place was a
crater, which threw out a lead-coloured flame without
smell or smoke, and which bubbled up with a volcanic
matter that rose to its brim, but never overflowed : here
the Indians purified themselves from all involuntary
sins. The well, the Sophoi called the well of the test ;
the crater, the fire of pardon.^^ Here were also seen
tv\^o vessels of black stone — the urns of the winds and
of the rain f^ and the one or the other is opened or shut
just as wind or rain is wanted or otherwise. Here too
they found statues of the most ancient Greek gods,
and worshipped in the Greek manner ; of the Poliau
Minerva, and of Bacchus, and of the Delian and Amy-
clsean Apollo.^'' The Sophoi look upon their stronghold
as the very navel of India. They here worship fire ob-
the wells till the atmosphere was suflBciently heated to hide it/'
between the Eavi and the Chenab — Burnes, II, 38.
^ With the well of the text compare : the test fountain in
Ctesiasj its water hardens into a cheese-like substance, which
when rubbed into a powder and mixed with water, and then ad-
ministered to suspected criminals, makes them tell all they ever
did (§ 14, p. 82) : also the water of probation mentioned by Por-
phyry. With the fire of pardon compare that other water, in some
cave temple seemingly, which purified from voluntary and in-
Toluntary oflPences (Porphyry de Styge).
86 Olearius, h. 1., suggests that these may have been barometers;
and then Damis, like the astronomer in Rasselas, merely confounds
the power of foretelling with the power of producing.
^7 n 6avfia<rrT]s <pLKoao(f>ias Si rjv Ivdoi deovs EWtjvikovs rrpojKvvovai. —
Plutarch de Fortuna Alex. Op. Var., I, p. 585.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 3o
tained from tlie sun's rays, and at noon daily liyirin its
praise.
Apollonius, in an address to the Egyptians, somewliat
enigmatically describes the life of the Sophoi : — "I have
seen," he says, " Brahmans who dwell on the earth, and
yet not on the earth ; in places fortified, and yet with-
out walls; and who possess nothing, and yet all things."
According to Damis they used the earth as a couch, but
first strewed it with choice grasses: they walked too
the air^^ — Damis himself saw them — and this not to
excite wonder — all ostentation is abhorrent to their
nature, — but in imitation of and as a more fitting ser-
vice to the sun. He saw too the fire which they drew
down from the sun's rays, — and which though it flamed
on no altar and was confined by no hearth, took shape
and body (crw/iaroef-Se?) and floated in mid-air,^^ where
spite of the darkness, under the charm of their hymned
praises^^ it stayed unchanged. As in the night they
worshipped this fire, so in the day they worshipped the
sun and besought it to order the seasons for India's
good. In this way is to be understood ApoUonius's
first assertion : " The Brahmans live on the earth, and
yet not on the earth." His second, Damis refers to that
88 Atto ttjs 77)s es irrix^is dvo (Pkilos., Ill, c. 15), two cubits from
the ground, no great height, but — ce n'est que le premier pouce
qui coute.
89 Sir C. Napier says, of Trukkee, *' On reaching the top, where
we remained during the night, every man's bayonet had a bright
flame on the point. A like appearance had also been observed
going from Ooch to Shapoor." — Life, III, 272. May not the night
light of the Sophoi be referred to some similar phenomenon ?
^ Compare with c. xv the xxxiii. III.
36 TRAVELS OF
covering of clouds which they draw over themselves at
pleasure, and which no rain can penetrate. His third,
to those fountains which bubble up for his Bacchanals
when Bacchus shakes the earth and them, and from
which the Indians themselves drink and give to others
to drink. Well therefore may ApoUonius say, that
men, who at a moment's notice and without preparation
can get whatever they want, possess nothing and yet
all things.^^ They wear their hair long,^^ like the old
Macedonians, and on their head a white mitre.^^ They
go bare-foot ; and their coats have no sleeves, and are
of wild cotton, of an oily nature, and white as Pamphy-
lian wool, but softer.^* Of this cotton the sacred vest-
ments are made ; and the earth refuses to give it up if
^^ Compare with these fountains those of milk, wine, etc., of
which Calanus speaks in his interview with Onesicritus (Strabo,
ut sup., § 64); and that happy India, a real pays de Cocagne,
which Dio Chrysostom ironically describes in Celsenis Phrygise
Orat., XXXV, II, p. 70.
92 Hardy, Eastern Monachism (p. 112), by which it would seem
that the Brahmans wear long hair ; the Buddhist priest, on the
other hand, shaves his head; so also Bardesanes describes the
newly-elected Samansean; ^vpa/xevos Se rov aiD/xaros ra irepiTra
Aa/xj8ai/6t aroX-qv aTreiai re rrpos ^afiavaiovs. — Porphyry, ut supra.
93 Still worn by some of the mountain tribes about Cabool.
Elphinstone says of the Bikaneers, "they wear loose clothes of
white cotton, and a remarkable turban which rises high over the
head."— Cabool, I, 18.
94 Hierocles speaks of the Brahman garments as made from a
soft and hairy (S6piw:;Ta)5r?) filament obtained from stones (asbestos).
— Frag. Hist., iv, p. 430. In the Mahawanso among the presents
of Asoka to Dewananpiatisso, are "hand-towels cleansed by being
passed through the fire," p. 70. Burnes says of the Nawab of
Cabool, he "produced some asbestos, here called cotton-stone,
lound near Jelalabad" (ii, 138) ; see also Pliny, xix. 4.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 37
any but tliemselVes attempt to gather it. They carry a
stick,^^ and wear a ring, both of infinite and magic
power.
Apollonius found the Sophoi seated on brazen stools,
their chief, larchas, on a raised throne of bronze orna-
mented with golden images. They saluted him with
their hands, but larchas welcomed him in Greek, asked
him for the King's letter, and added, that it wanted a 8.
As soon as he had read it, he asked Apollonius, " AVhat
do you think of us?" "Oh!" said Apollonius, "the
very journey I have undertaken — and I am the first of
my countrymen who has undertaken it — answers that
question." " In what, then," enquired larchas, " do you
think us wiser than you ?" " I think your views wiser,
more divine," answered Apollonius ; " and should I find
that you know no more than I, this at least I shall have
learned-^that I have nothing more to learn." "Well,"
said the Indian, " other people usually ask of those who
visit them, whence they come and who they are ; but
we, as a first proof of our knowledge, show strangers
that we know them ;" and so saying, he told Apollonius
who his father was, who his mother, all that happened
to him at ^gae, and how Damis joined him, and what
they had said and done on the journey; and this so
distinctly and fluently, that he might have been a
companion of their route. Apollonius, greatly aston-
ished, asked him how he knew all this. "In this
knowledge," he answered, " you are not wholly wanting,
and where you are deficient we wiU instruct you,*^ for
^5 " The first three classes ought to carry staves." — Menu, i, 45;
** the priest's should reach to his hair." — lb., 46.
^ When Damis speaks of his knowledge of languages to Apollo-
38 TKAVELS OF
we think it not well to keep secret what is so worthy
of being known, especially from you, ApoUonius, — a
man of most excellent memory. And Memory, you
must know, is of the Gods the one we most honour.
" But how do you know my nature ?" asked ApoUonius.
" We," he answered, " see into the very soul, tracing out
its qualities by a thousand signs. But as midday is at
hand,^^ let us to our devotions, in which you also may,
nius, ApoUonius merely observes that he himself understands all
languages, and that without having learned them ; and more, that
he knows not only what men speak, but their secret thoughts
(L. I., c. xix). But as in India he is accompanied by, and frequently
makes use of an interpreter; this pretension of his has, from the
time of Easebius (in Hieroclem, xiv), been frequently ridiculed as
an idle boast. Philostratus, however, was too practised a writer
to have left his hero open to such a charge. His faults are of
another kind. His facts and statements too often, and with a
certain air of design, confirm and illustrate each other : thus,
with regard to this very power claimed by ApoUonius, observe,
that he professes not to speak, but to know aU languages and
men's thoughts — a difference intelligible to all who are familiar
with the alleged facts of mesmerism ; and look at him in his first
interview with Phraotes ; watch him listening to, and under-
standing the talk of the king and the sages, and only then asking
larchas to interpret for him when he would himself speak. Ob-
serve, also, that larchas admits only to a certain extent the power
of ApoUonius, and remember his surprise when he finds that
Phraotes knows and speaks Greek.
^ " At sunrise, at noon, and at sunset, let the Brahman go to
the waters and bathe." — Menu, vi, 22. " Sunrise and sunset are
the hours when, having made his ablution, he repeats the text
which he ought to repeat." — ii, 222. From the Vishnu Purana,
however, it seems the Eichas ( the hymns of the Eig-veda) shine
in the morning, the prayers of the Yajush at noon, and portions of
the Saman in the afternoon. — p. 235. Bardesanes, ut supra, rov
roivvv xpovov ttjs r^fxepas Kot ttjj pvktos rov irKiKrrov eis vfivovs twv Becav
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 39
if you will, take part." Tliey then adjourned to tlie
bath, a spring like that of Dircae in Boeotia as Damis
says who afterwards saw Dircae. They first took off
their clothes, and then anointed their heads with an
uncruent which made their bodies run down with sweat,
and so jumped into the w^ater. After they had well
bathed they put garlands on their heads and proceeded to
the temple, intent on their hymn. There standing round
in a circle with larch as as their leader they beat the
ground with their staves, till bellying like a wave it
sent them up into the air about two cubits ; and then
they sang a hymn, very like the Psean of Sopliocles
sung at Athens to ^sculapius. When they had again
come down to the earth and had performed their sacred
duties, larchas called the youth with the anchor, and
bade him take care of Apollonius's companions ; and he
in a shorter space of time than the swiftest birds, was
gone and was back again, and told larchas, — " I have
taken care of them."
Apollonius was then placed on the throne of Phraotes,
and larchas bade him question them on any matter he
pleased, for he was now among men who knew all
things. Apollonius therefore asked, as though it was of
all knowledge the most difficult, " Whether the Sophoi
knew themselves ?" But larchas answered quite con-
trary to his expectation, that they knew all things, be-
cause they first knew themselves. That, without this
first and elementary knowledge, no one could be ad-
mitted to their philosophy. Apollonius, remembering
his conversation with Phraotes and the examination
they had been obliged to undergo, assented to this.
40 TRAVELS OF
more especially as lie felt the truth of the observation
in himself He then asked " What opinion they held
of themselves ? " and was told, " that they held them-
selves to be gods, because they were good men." Apol-
lonius then enquired about the soul, and, when he
heard that they held the opinions of Pythagoras, he
further asked, whether, as Pythagoras remembered him-
self as Euphorbus, so larchas could speak of some one
of his previous lives, either as Greek or Trojan, or
other man ? larchas, first reproving the Greeks for the
reverence they pay to the Trojan heroes and to Achilles
as the greatest of them, to the neglect of better men,
Greek, Egyptian, and Indian, related : how years long
ago he had been one Ganges king of the Indian people,
to whom the Ethiopians then Indians were subject:
how this Ganges, ten cubits in stature and the most
comely of men, built many cities and drove back the
Scythians who invaded his territories : and how, though
robbed of his wife by the then king of Phraotes^s coun-
try, he had unlike Achilles kept sacred his alliance
with him : how too he had rendered his father the
Ganges^^ river propitious to India, by inducing it to
keep within its banks and to divert its course to the
Ked Sea -} how, notwithstanding aU this, the Ethiopians
murdered him, and were driven by the hate of the In-
98 This is a favourite idea of Philostratus, i. e. the Heroica, II,
V, 677, ed. 01ea.rii, fol.
99 The Ganges is a goddess. — Vishnu Purana.
1 Wilford refers this to the legend of Bhagiratha, *' who led the
Ganges to the ocean, tracing with the wheels of his chariot two
furrows, which were to be the limits of her encroachments." — As.
Ees., viii, 298.
APOLLONIUS OF TYAXA. 41
dians and the now sterile earth and the abortive births
of their wives to leave their native land : and li^^w, pur-
sued by his ghost, and still suffering the same ills, they
wandered from place to place, till having at length pun-
ished his murderers they settled in that part of Africa
from them called Ethiopia. He told too, how Ganges
had thrust seven adamantine swords deep into the
ground in some unknown spot, and how when the gods
without indicating it ordered that on that spot a sacri-
fice should be offered, he then a child of four years old
immediately pointed it out.^ But ceasing to speak of
himself, he directed ApoUonius's attention to a youth
of about twenty, and he described him as patient under
all suffering and by nature especially fitted for philo-
sophy, but beyond measure averse to it ; and his aver-
sion was attributed to the ill treatment and injustice he
had received from Ulysses and Homer in a former life.
He had been Palamedes.
While they were thus talking, a messenger announced
the king's approach and that he would arrive towards
evening, and came to consult with them on his private
affairs. larchas answered that he should be welcome,
and that he would leave them a better man for having
known " this Greek." He then resumed his conversa-
tion with ApoUonius, and asked him to tell something
of his previous existence. ApoUonius excuses himself,
because as it was undistinguished he did not care to
remember it. " But surely," observed larchas, " to be
2 So the sword of Mars found by a shepherd and presented to
Attila constituted him "totius mundi principem." — Jornandes,
42 TRAVELS OF
the pilot of an Egyptian ship is no such ignoble occu-
pation, and a pilot I see you once were." " True," re-
plied Apollonius, " but an office which should be on a
par with that of the statesman or the general has by
the fault of sailors themselves become contemptible and
degraded. Besides my very best act in that life no one
deemed worthy even of praise." "And what was that?"
asked larchas. " Was it the doubling with slackened
sail Malea and Sunium, or the carefully observing the
course of the wdnds, or the carrying your ship over the
reefs and swell of the Euboean coast ?" " Well/' said
Apollonius, " if I must speak of my sailor life, I will tell
you of something I did then which I think was wise
and honest. In those days pirates infested the Phoe-
nician Sea. And some of their spies knowing that my
ship was richly laden came to me and sounded me, and
asked me what would be my share of the freight. I
told them a thousand drachmas, for we were four pilots.
' And what sort of a home have you V they asked. 'A hut
on Pharos, where Proteus used to live,^^ I answered.
* AVell,' they went on, ' would you like to change the sea
for land — a hut for a house — to receive ten times the
pay you look for, and rid yourself at the same time of the
thousand ills of the tempestuous sea ?' ' Aye, that I
would,' I said. They then told me who they were, and
offered me ten thousand drachmas, and promised that
neither myself nor any of my crew should suffer harm
3 Homer, Odys., iv, 355, and frequently alluded to in Byzantine
writers as vrjaov rriv Xeynftcprtv Tlpwrews. Pharos ubi Proteus cum
Phocarum gregibus diversatum Homerus fabulatur inflatius. —
Amin. Marcell., xx, 16, 10.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 43
if I gave them an opportunity of taking my ship. So
we agreed that I should set sail in the night, but lie-to
under the promontory ; and that the pirates, who w^ere
at anchor on the other side, should then run out and
seize my ship and cargo. All this took place in a
temple, and I made them swear to fulfil their promises ;
while I agreed on my part to do as they wished. But
instead of lying-to I made sail for the open sea and so
got ofi'." " And this," observed larchas, " you think an
act of justice ?" " Yes," said ApoUonius, " and of hu-
manity ; for to save the lives of my men, and the pro-
perty of my employers, and to be above a bribe, though
a sailor, 1 hold to be a proof of many virtues."
larchas smiled, and remarked : " You, Greeks, seem
to think that not to do wrong is to be just. Only the
other day, an Egyptian told us of the Eoman procon-
suls : how, though knowing nothing of the people they
were to govern, they entered their provinces with naked
axes ; and of the people : how they praised their go-
vernors if they only were not venal, just like slave-
dealers who to vaunt their wares warrant that their
Carians are not thieves ! Your poets too scarcely allow
you to be just and good. For Minos the most cruel of
men and who with his fleets enslaved the neighbouring
peoples, they honour with the sceptre of justice as the
judge of the dead. But Tantalus, a good man, who
made his friends partakers of immortality, they deprive
of food and drink." And he pointed to a statue on the
left inscribed " Tantalus." It was four cubits high, and
of a man of about fifty, dressed in the Argolic fashion
with a Thessalian chlamys. He was drinking from a
44 TPtAVELS OF
cup as large as would suffice for a tliirsty man, and a
pure drauglit bubbled up in it without overflowing.
Their conversation was here interrupted by the noise
and tumult in the village occasioned by the king's
arrival ; and larchas angrily observed, " Had it been
Phraotes, not the mysteries had been more quiet."
ApoUonius, seeing no preparations made, inquired whe-
ther they intended offering the king a banquet ? " Aye,
and a rich one, for we have plenty of everything here,"
they said, " and he is a gross feeder. But we allow no
animal food, only sweetmeats, roots, and fruits such as
India and the season afford. But here he comes." The
king, glittering with gold and jewels, now approached.
Damis was not present at this interview, for he spent
the whole of the day in the village, but Apollonius
gave him an account of it which he wrote in his diary.
He says that the king approached with outstretched
hands as a suppliant, and that the sages from their
seats nodded as if granting his petition, at which he
rejoiced greatly as at the oracle of a god ; but of his
son and brother they took no more notice than of the
slaves who accompanied him. larchas then rose and
asked him if he would eat. The king assented, and four
tripods like those in Homer's Oljrmpus rolled them-
selves in, followed by bronze cup-bearers. The earth
strewed itself with grass, softer than any couch ; and
sweets and bread, fruits and vegetables, all excellently
well prepared, moved up and down in order before the
guests. Of the tripods two flowed with wine, two with
water hot and cold. The cups, each large enough for
four thirsty souls, and the wine-coolers, were each one of
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 45
a single stone, and of a stone in Greece so precious as to
be set in rings and necklaces. The bronze cup-bearers
poured out the wine and water in due proportions, as
usual in drinking bouts.^ They all lay down to the
feast, the king with the rest, for no place of honour was
assigned him.
In the course of the dinner larchas said to the king,
''I pledge you the health of this man," pointing to
Apollonius, and with his hand signifying that he was a
just and divine man. On this the king observed, " I
understand that he, and some others who have put up
in the village, are friends of Phraotes." " You under-
stand rightly," said larchas, ''for even here he is
Phraotes' guest." " But what are his pursuits ? " asked
the king. "Those of Phraotes," answered larchas.
" Worthless guest worthless pursuits ! they prevent
even Phraotes from becoming a man indeed," said the
king. " Speali more modestly of pliilosophy and Phra-
otes," observed larchas, — "this language does not be-
come your age." Here Apollonius, through larchas,
inquired of the king " what advantage he derived from
not being a philosopher?" "This, that I possess all
virtue and am one with the sun," answered the king.
Apollonius : " You would not think thus if you were a
philosopher." The king: "Well friend as you are a
philosopher, tell us what you think of yourself." Apol-
lonius : " That I am a good man so long as I. am a
philosopher." The king : " By the sun, you come here
full of Phraotes." Apollonius : " Thank heaven then,
4 So Marco Polo's description of the feasts of the great Khan,
borrowed probably from Apollonius, c. Jxxv, pp. 71-9, French ed.
46 TEAVELS OF
that T have not travelled in vain ; and if you could see
Phraotes, you would say he was full of me. He washed
to write to you about me, but when he told me that
you were a good man, I bade him not take that trouble,
for I had brought no letter to him." When tlie king
heard that Phraotes had spoken well of him, he was
pacified and forgot his suspicions ; and in a gentle tone
said: "Welcome, best friend." "Welcome you," said
Apollonius, " one would think you had but just come
in." " What brought you to this place ? " asked the
king. " The Gods and these wise inen,'^ answered
Apollonius. " But tell me stranger, what do the Greeks
say of me ? " he next inquired. " Just what you say of
them,'^ said Apollonius. " But that is just nothing," he
replied. "I will tell them so, and they wdll crown you at
the Olympic games,^' Apollonius observed. Then turning
to larchas : " Let us leave this drunken fool to himself.
But why pray do you pay no attention to his son and
brother, and do not admit them to your table ?" "Be-
cause," answered larchas, " they may one day rule, and
by slighting them we teach them not to slight others."
Apollonius then perceiving that the number of the
Soplioi was eighteen, observed to larchas that it w^as
not a square number, nor indeed a number at all
honoured or distinguished. larchas in answer, told him
that they paid no attention to number, but esteemed
virtue only ; he added, that the college wdien his grand-
father entered it consisted of eighty-seven Sophoi, and
that his grandfather then found himself its youngest,
and eventually in the one hundred and thirtieth^ year
5 Ibn Batuta speaks of Hindus 120, 130, and 140 years of age.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 47
of liis age, its only surviving member ; that no eligible
candidate having in all that time offered himself for
admission, he remained four years without a colleague :
and that when he then received from the Egyptians
congratulations on his alone occupying the seat of
wisdom, he begged them not to reproach India with the
small number of its wise men. larchas then went on
to blame the Elians, in that as he had heard from the
Egyptians, they elected the Olympic dikasts by lot, and
thus left to chance what should be the reward of merit ;
and that they always elected the same number, — never
more, never less ; and that they thus sometimes ex-
cluded good men and sometimes were obliged to choose
bad ones. Better, he said, it had been if the Elians had
allowed the number of the dikasts to vary with circum-
stances, but had always required in them the same
qualifications.
The king here rudely interrupted them, and expressed
his dislike of the Greeks, and spoke of the Athenians
as the slaves of Xerxes ; ApoUonius turning to him
asked if he had any slaves of his own ; " Twenty thou-
sand," he answered, " and born in my house. "^ " Well,
then," said ApoUonius (always through larchas), " as
you do not run away from them, but they from you, so
Xerxes fled like a worthless slave from before the
Athenians when he had been conquered at Salamis."
Burnes of one at Cabul of 114, apparently with all his faculties
about him.— II, 109.
6 According to Megasthenes, civai Se kuI toSc n^ya cv ttj li'dwv yrj
vavras lv5uvs (ifol f\(v6e^)ovs. — Ai'rian, Indica, xi. ovSe IvSois aWos
ZovKos eo-Tt. Onesicritus limits this to the subjects of Musicanus.
— Strabo, ut sup., § 54-.
48 TRAVELS OF
" But surely," observed the king, " Xerxes, with his
own hands set fire to Athens?" "Yes," said Apol-
lonius, "hut how fearful was his punishment! He
became a fugitive before those whom he had hoped to
destroy ; and in his very flight was most unhappy : for
had he died by the hands of the Greeks, what a tomb
would they not have built for him ! what games not in-
stituted in his memory ! — as knowing that they honoured
themselves when they honoured those whom they had
subdued." On this the king burst into tears, and
excused himself, and attributed his prejudices against
the Greeks to the tales and falsehoods of Egyptian
travellers, who while they boasted of their nation as
wise and holy and author of those laws relating to
sacrifices and mysteries which obtain in Greece,
described the Greeks as men of unsound judgement,
the scum of men, (rvyK\vha<;, insolent and lawless,
romancers, and miracle-mongers, poor, and parading
their poverty not as something honourable but as an
excuse for theft. "But now," he went on to say, "that I
know them to be full of goodness and honour, I hold
them as my friends, and as my friends praise them and
wish them all the good I can. I will no longer give
credit to these Egyptians." larchas here observed that
though he had long seen that the Egyptians had the
ear of the king, he had said nothing but waited till the
king should meet with such a counsellor as Apollonius.
Now however that you are better tauglit, let us", he con-
cluded, "drink together the loving-cup of Tantalus and
then to sleep : for we have business to transact to-night.
I will however as occasion offers indoctrinate you in
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 49
Grecian learning, the fullest in the world. And so
stooping to the cup he first drank and then handed it
to the other guests ; and there was enough for all, for it
bubbled up as if from a fountain.
They lay down to rest, and arose at midnight, and
aloft in the air hymned the praises of the sun's ray.
The Sophoi then gave private audience to the king.
'Next morning early, after the sacred rites, the king, for
the law forbade his remaining more than one day at the
college, retired to the village and vainly pressed Apol-
lonius to visit him there. The Sophoi then sent forDamis,
whom they admitted as a guest. The conversation now
began ; and larchas discoursed on the world : how it is
composed of five elements — water, fire, air, earth, and
aether ;^ and how they are all co-ordinate, but that from
aether the Gods, from air mortals, are generated ; how
moreover the w^orld is an animal and hermaphrodite ;
and how as hermaphrodite it reproduces by itself and
of itself all creatures ; and how as intelligent it provides
for their wants, and with scorching heats punishes their
wrong-doing. And this world larchas further likened
to one of those Egjrptian ships^ which navigate the
7 Megasthenes (Strabo, ut sup., § 59) gives pretty nearly the
same account of the Brahminical doctrines, that the world has a
beginning, and will have an end ; that God, its ruler and creator,
pervades it ; and that besides the four elements there is a fifth,
aether ; and Alexander Polyhistor asserts that Pythagoras was a
disciple of the Brahmans ; Frag. Hist., Ill, § 238, p. 239, and p.
241 mentions aether as one of the Pythagorean elements. Also
Aristotle de Mundo, II, from a note to Mas'udis Meadows of
Gold, Or. Tr. Fund, p. 179.
8 The boat among the Hindus is one of the types of the earth.
— Wilford, As. Res., viii, 274 ; Von Bohlen quotes this passage to
E
50 TRAVELS OF
Ked Sea. " By an old law, no galley is allowed tliere ;
but only vessels round fore and aft (aToyyvXoi), fitted
for trade. Well, these vessels the Egyptians have
enlarged by building up their sides, and fitting them
with several cabins f and they have manned them with
pilots at the prow, seamen for the masts and sails, and
marines as a guard against the barbarians; and over
and above them all have set one pilot who rules and
directs the rest. So in the world there is the first God,
its creator; next him, the gods who rule its several
parts — sung by the poets, as gods of rivers, groves, and
streams: gods above the earth, and gods under the
earth ; and perchance too below the eartli, but distinct
from it, is a place terrible and deadly." Here, unable
to contain himself, Damis cried out, in admiration:
" Never could I have believed that any Indian was so
thoroughly conversant with the Greek language, and
could speak it with such fluency and elegance ! "
A messenger now announced and introduced several
Indian suppliants — a child possessed, a lame and blind
man, etc., — all of whom were cured.
larch as further initiated Apollonius, but not Damis,
in astrology and divination and in those sacrifices and
invocations in which the gods delight. He spoke of
the divining power as raising man to an equality with
the Delphian Apollo, and as requiring -a pure heart and
prove that the Hindus had the knowledge of one God. — Das Alte
Indian, i, 152.
9 See Ibn Batoutah's description of a Chinese boat, iv, 92-3,
and 350, and 64, pp. Of the ships employed in the Indian
trade, Pliny " Omnibus annis navigatur sagittariorum cohortibua
impositis, etenim Piratse nozime impestant." — Hist. Nat., vi, 26.
APOLLOXIUS OF TYANA. 51
a stainless life, and as therefore readily apprehensible
by the aetherial soul of ApoUonius. He extolled it as
a source of immense good to mankind, and referred to it
the physician's art — for was not ^sculapius the son of
Apollo ? and was it not through his oracles that he
discovered the several remedies for diseases, herbs for
wounds, etc. ?
Then turning, in a pleasant way, to Damis, — " And
you Assyrian," he said, " do you never foresee anything
— ^you, the companion of such a man?" "Yes, by
Jove," answered Damis, " matters that concern myself ;
for when I first met with this ApoUonius, he seemed to
me a man full of wisdom and gravity and modesty and
patience ; and for his memory and great learning and
love of learning I looked upon him as a sort of
Daemon ; and I thought that if I kept with him, that
instead of a simple and ignorant man I should become
wise, — ^learned instead of a barbarian; and that if I
followed him and studied with him I should see the
Indians and see you; and that through his means I
should live with the Greeks, a Greek. As to you then,
you are occupied with great things, and think Delphi
and Dodona or what you will. As for me, when Damis
predicts he predicts for himself only like an old witch."
At these words all the Sophoi laughed.
ApoUonius enquired about the Martichora,^^ an
animal the size of a lion, four-footed, with the head of
a man, its tail long with thorns for hairs which it shoots
out at those who pursue it; — about the golden foun-
1" Ctesias, p. 80, § 7 ; Didot.
52 TKAVELS OF
tain^^ too ; and the men who use their feet for "ambrellas^
the sciapods.^^ Of the golden fountain and Martichora
larch as had never heard ; but he told Apollonius of the
Pentarba and showed him the stone and its effects. It
is a wonderful gem about the size of a man's thumb-
nail and is found in the earth at a depth of four
fathoms ; but though it makes the ground to swell and
crack, it can only be got at by the use of certain cere-
monies and incantations. It is of a fiery colour and of
extraordinary brilliancy, and of such power, that thrown
into a stream it draws to it^^ and gathers round it all
precious stones within a certain considerable range.^*
The pigmies he said lived on the other side of the Ganges
and under ground; but the Sciapods and Longheads were
mere inventions of Scylax, He described also the gold-
digging griffins ; that they were sacred to the Sun (his
chariot is represented as drawn by them^^) about the
size of lions,^^ but stronger because winged ; that their
^1 Id., p. 73, § 4. Wilson, Notes on Ctesias, explains and ac-
counts for these myths.
12 Id., § 104 and 84. Among the people of India, from Hindu
authority quoted by Wilford, are the Ecapada, one-footed. " Mo-
nosceli singulis cruribus, eosdemque Sciapodas vocari," from
Pliny (ih.) From "Wilson's Notes, the one-footed and the Sciapods
should be two different races.
13 Something like this was that jewel by the aid of which
Tchagkuna recovered that other jewel which he had thrown into
the water. — Eadjatarangini, tr. d. Troyer, II, p. 147.
1* Strabo from Megasthenes, ib., § 56. Ctesias also mentions it,
1= In the Vishnu Parana : " The seven horses of the sun's car
are the metres of the Yedas," p. 218. Sculptured or painted horses
always.
16 Ctesias, p. 82, § 12, and p. 95, § 70. Wilson (Ariana Antiqua)
has shown from the Mahabharata, (Mahabharata, 1859-60, Slok.,
Fauche's tr. II, p. 53), that this story has an Indian foundation.
" Those tribes between Meru and Mandura verily presented in
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 53
wings were a reddish membrane, and hence their flight
was low and spiral ; that they overpowered lions, ele-
phants, and dragons ; and that the tiger alone because of
his swiftness was their equal in fight. He told of the
Phoenix, the one of his kind, born of the sun's rays and
shining with gold, and that his five hundred years of
life were spent in India ; and he confirmed the Egyptian
account of this bird — that singing his own dirge he con-
sumed himself in his aromatic nest at the fountains of
the Mle. Similarly also swans it is said sing themselves
to death, and have been heard by those who are very
quick of ear.
They remained four months with the Sophoi. When
they took their departure, larchas gave Apollonius seven
rings named after the seven planets ; these rings he
ever afterwards wore each in its turn on its name-day.
The Sophoi provided him and his party with camels
and a guide, and accompanied them on the road ; and
prophesying that Apollonius would even during his
life attain the honours of divinity they took leave of
him, and many times looking back as in grief at parting
with such a man returned to their college. Apollonius
and his companions, with the Ganges on their right the
Hyphasis on their left {sic), travelled down towards the
sea-coast, a ten days' journey, and on their road they
saw many birds and wild oxen, asses and lions, panthers
lumps of a drona weight, that gold which is dug up by Pippi-
likas (ants), and which is therefore called ' Pippilika ant-gold'."
( P. 135, note). See also A Journey to Lake Manasarovara, by
Moorcroft, who speaks of a sort of marmot in the gold country
which Schwanbeck supposes to be the original of this ant. — As.
Res., xii, 442. This myth was not unknown to the Arabs. — Gil-
demeister Script. Arab, de Eebus Indicis, p. 221.
54 TR.VVELS OF
and tigers, and a species of ape different from those that
frequent the pepper-groves, black, hairy, and dog-faced,
and like little men. And so conversing as their cus-
tom was of what they saw, they reached the coast, where
they found a small factory and passage-boats of a
Tuscan build and the sea of a very dark colour. Here
Apollonius sent back the camels with this letter to
larchas : —
" To larchas and the other Sophoi from Apollonius,
greeting : I came to you by land, with your aid I return
by sea, and might have returned through the air^'^ —
such is the wisdom you have imparted to me. Even
among the Greeks I shall not forget these things, and
shall still hold commerce with you — or I have indeed
vainly drunk of the cup of Tantalus.^^ Farewell, ye
best philosophers."
Apollonius then embarked, and set sail with a fair
and gentle breeze. He admired the Hyphasis, wliich
at its mouth narrow and rocky hurries through beetling
cliffs into the sea with some danger to those who hug
the land. He saw too the mouth of the Indus, and
Patala, a city built on an island formed by the Indus,
where Alexander collected his fleet. And Damis con-
17 Easy and pleasant as this mode of travel is thought to be,
Apollonius had recourse to it but once — on that memorable occa-
sion when about mid-day he disappeared from before the tribunal
of Domitian, and the same evening met Damis at Diceearchia,
Puteoli, Vit. Apol. Philostr., viii, xc.
18 Philostratus, v, 1, has another letter purporting to be written
by Apollonius to larchas. He shows us too Apollonius occasionally
and always reverentially speaking of larchas and Phraotes, and
Porphyry, nepi 'Srvyos, quotes a letter of Apollonius in which he
swears fia ro TavraXiov vSatp — from Staboeus. — In Olearius, note c. 51,
III, L. Philost.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 55
firms what Orthagoras lias related of the Eed Sea — that
the Great Bear is not there visible ; that at noon there
is no shadow ; and that the stars hold a different posi-
tion in the heavens.
He speaks of Byblus with its large mussels, and of
Pagala of the Oritae where the rocks and the sands are
of copper ; of the city Stobera and its inhabitants the
Ichthyophagi, who clothe themselves in fish-skins and
feed their cattle on fish; of the Carmani, an Indian
race and civilized, who of the fish they catch keep only
what they can eat, and throw the rest living back into
the sea ; and of Balara where they anchored, a mart for
myrrh and palms. He tells too of the mode in w^hich
the people get their pearls. In this sea which is very
deep the white-shelled oyster is fat, but naturally pro-
duces no pearls. When however the weather is very calm
and the sea smooth and made still smoother by pouring
oil upon it, the Indian diver equipped as a sponge-cutter
with the addition of an iron plate and a box of myrrh goes
down to hunt for oysters. As soon as he has found one
he seats himself beside it, and with his myrrh stupefies it
and makes it open its shell. The moment it does this,
he strikes it with a skewer and receives on his iron
plate cut into shapes the ichor which is discharged from
its wound. In these shapes the ichor hardens, and the
pearls thus made differ in nothing from real pearl.^^
This sea he adds is full of monsters, from which the
^9 Is this an indistinct and garbled account of the Chinese mode
of making pearls described in a late Journal of the Society ? Tzetzes
says that two origins are ascribed to pearls. Some assert that
they are the produce of lightnings others that they are x^'poiTrorjroys;
and he then describes the modus operandi, which is that in our
text, and probably borrowed from it. — Chiliad., xi, p. 375j 472 L.
56 TRAVELS OF
sailors protect tliemselves by bells^^ at the poop and
prow. Thus sailing, they at last reach the Euphrates,
and so up to Babylon, and again meet Bardanes.
In reviewing this account of India, our first enquiry
is into the authority on which it rests. Damis was the
companion of ApoUonius, so Philostratus and not im-
possibly public rumour affirmed. Damis wrote a jour-
nal, and though no scholar was according to Philostratus
as capable as any man of correctly noting down what
he saw and heard.^i But Damis died, and his journal,
if journal he kept and such a journal ever existed, lay
buried with him for upwards of a century, till one of
his family presented it to the Empress Julia Domna the
wife of Severus, curious in such matters. But in what
state ? — untouched ? — with no additions to suit the
Empress's taste ? Who shall tell ? Again, the Em-
press did not order this journal to be published, but
gave it to Philostratus a sophist and a rhetorician, with
instructions to re- write and edit it ; and so re-written
and edited he at length published it, but not till after
the death of his patroness, the Empress. Weighing
then these circumstances all open to grave suspicion,
^ Nearchus drives these same fish away, rats oa\my^ip. — Strabo,
XV, II, 12, p. 617, as was still done in Strabo's time.— ih., p. 138,
Didot ed. The Arabs similarly. In the Voyages Arabes (tr. Rei-
naud) of a monster fish in their seas, we are told, " La nuit les
equipages font sonner des cloches semblables aux cloches des
Chretiens, c'est enfin d'empecher ce poisson de s'appuyer sur le
navire et de le sub merger." — I, p. 2.
^^ AiarpiPrjv apayparpai, Kai 6, ri rjKovaev rj fiSev avarvtrcoaai — (T<podpa
iKauos riv, Kai eTrereSeue tovto apiara apdpcoTrwv. — i, c. 19.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 57
every one must admit that the journal of Damis gives
no authority to Philostratus's work ; but that this last,
and more especially tlie books which relate to India,
may give authority to the journal and history. By
their contents then they must be judged.
That ApoUonius should pay little attention to, and
not very accurately describe, external objects might be
expected. One can understand that, occupied w^ith the
soul and the gods, he should toil up the Ilindii-kiish
without one remark on its snow-covered peaks — one
plaint on the difficulties and dangers of its ascent.-^ But
how explain these lengthy descriptions of animals and
natural wonders that never had existence ? If you put
forward Damis — of the earth, earthy, the Sancho Panza
of this Quixote — an eager and credulous listener, you
have still to show how it is, that these descriptions so
exactly tally with those of Ctesias and the historians of
Alexander ; how it is they are never original, except to
add to our list of errors or to exaggerate errors already
existing. Thus on Caucasus, more fortunate than the
soldiers of Alexander, he not only hears of Prometheus
but sees his chains. He climbs Mount Kysa, and has
to tell of Bacchus and his orgies, and they are now no
longer the inventions of flattery as Eratosthenes so
shrewdly suspected, for Damis there found his temple
and his statue. Similarly in general terms Seleucus
22 Dangers which not even Hionen-Thsang was indifferent to;
but Apollonius's indifference we may account for by an observation
of Cicero : " In India, qui sapientes habentur, nudi aetatem agunt,
et Caucasi nives hyemalemque vim perferunt sine dolore." — Tusc.
Qusest., lib. v.
58 TRAVELS OF
Mcator and Onesicritus had vaunted the long life of
elephants ; but in Taxila Damis admired the elephant
of Porus and on its golden bracelets read its name and
age. Copying Ctesias, he speaks of the Indus as forty
stadia broad where narrowest ;^^ of giant Indians five
cubits high ; of worms with an inextinguishable oil ; of
winged griffins, but instead of large as wolves he makes
them as large as lions ; and of the swift one-horned ass
and the jewel Pantarbas, both of which he and Apollo-
nius saw. Again Onesicritus knew by hearsay of ser-
pents the pets of Aposeisares,^* of eighty and a hundred
and forty cubits. Damis had been present at a dragon-
hunt and had seen dragons' heads hanging as trophies
in the streets of Paraka. Surely such information, not
put forward as mere reports but solemnly vouched for,
can never have come from a man who had really visited
India, or they came from one of as little authority as
Mendez Pinto, when lie gives an account of his expedi-
tion to and a description of the imperial tombs of
China.25
But, it will be said, these w^onders were the common
stock in trade of Indian travellers ; every man believed
in them, and every man who went to India and wrote
of India, was ashamed of not seeing at least as much as
^2 Philostratus scarcely so strong, to "yap rrXooiixov avrov Toaovrov,
its breadth at the ferry where people usually cross. — II, 17 and 18.
^^ One of the Ptolemies could boast a similar pet, but it was
only thirty-five cubits long, rpiaxovTairevratrrixvv. — Tzetzes, Ch. Ill,
Hist. 113.
25 Pinto narrates what he saw — Damis like — and not, that he had
heard something like what he narrates. See Masoudi, p. 313,
Eng. tr.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 59
Lis predecessors. Leaving tlien these common-places,
examine Damis where he is original, or nearly so. To
him we owe the porphjrry temple and the metal mosaics
at Taxila ; to him, that spur of Caucasus, stretching
down from the Indian side of the Hyphasis to the In-
dian Ocean; to him, its pepper-forests, and its monkeys,
so useful in gathering the pepper-harvests. Through him
we know of the groves sacred to Venus, and the unguent
so necessary to an Indian marriage. He alone tells of
the wondrous hill; its crater-fire of pardon, its rain-
cask, and its brimming-cup of Tantalus ; and though of
wind-bags and of self-acting tripods Homer had already
written, and though of a well of the test Ctesias had
vaguely heard and its qualities Bardesanes has described,
Damis gives them local habitation, has seen them all.
With the Sophoi Damis lived four months in closest
intimacy, and yet from his description of them, who
shall say, who and what they were ? To the powders he
ascribes to them both Buddhists and Brahmans pretend.
But while their mode of election determined by ances-
tral and personal character points them out as Buddhists,
their name, their long hair, their worship of the sun,
declare them Brahmans.^^ But Buddhist or Brahman,
at their feet after a long and weary travel Apollonius
sits a disciple, and they instruct him — in doctrines and
opinions which were current at Athens. In the very
heart of India he finds its sages^*^ though "inland far
26 Bardesanes, who knew of Bralimans and Buddhists only from
report, has given a very clear and intelligible account of both. I
have already referred to it. — Porphyry, iv, 17.
27 That a Greek kincrdom with Greeks as its rulers, could not have
60 TRAVELS OF
they be", well acquainted with Greek geography and
the navigation of the Grecian seas, worshipping Greek
gods, speaking Greek, thinking Greek, — more Greek
than Indian. Absurd and impossible as this description
seems to us, our Damis, if I judge him rightly, was not
the man to advance what the Greek mind was wholly
unprepared to receive. Accordingly, long ago Clitar-
chus and the historians of Alexander had announced an
Indo-Greek Bacchus; to him Megasthenes added a Her-
cules ; and more recently Plutarch had proclaimed, I
know not on what authority, that the Indians were
worshippers of the Greek gods f^ vague rumours therefore
of such a worship were not improbably current, and
Damis's journal merely confirmed them. Again Mcolaus
Damascenus^^ was the first who spoke of the Greek lan-
guage in connection with India. He states, that when at
Antioch Epidaphne (22 B.C.) he met with some Indian
ambassadors on their way to Augustus Csesar, and that
their letter of credentials was in Greek. Diodorus,^^
quoting lambulus, speaks of the king of Palibothra as a
lover of Greeks. Plutarch fend of the first century) , though
existed, bordering on India and in India for upwards of a century,
without some influence on the Hindu mind, what we now see going
on in India assures us ; but that that influence was very limited we
may gather from the very examples which its most strenuous sup-
porter adduces to prove it. — Reinaud, Mem. sur I'lnde, pp. 333,
347, 362, 363.
2^ Vide supra, note 6.
2a Frag. Hist., § 91, 4. 419, Didot's ed.
^ laiubulus was brought es iroAiv Ua\i$o9pav...opTos Se (piWeWrivos
Tov ^aaiXews. — Diod. Sic, Bib. Hist., II. 60. Diodorus and Damas-
cenus were cotemporaries and flourished in the latter half of the
century b.c, and the earliest part of the first century.
APOLLONIUS OF TYANA. 61
he does not name the Indians, in enumerating the great
deeds of Alexander narrates that by his means Asia was
civilised and Homer read there, and that the children^^
of Persians, Susians, and Gedrosians sang the tragedies
of Euripides and Sophocles. Dio Chrysostom,^^ cotem-
porary with Plutarch and a friend of ApoUonius, in a
panegyric upon Homer insists upon his wide-spread
reputation ; that he lived in the memory not only of
Greeks but of many of the barbarians ; " for his poems
it is said are sung by the Indians, who have translated
them into their own language ; so that a people who do
not contemplate the same stars as ourselves, in whose
heaven our polar star is not visible, — are not unac-
quainted with the grief of Priam, and the tears and
wailings of Hecuba and Andromache and the courage
of Achilles and Hector." ^lian, of about the same age
as Philostratus, tells us that not only the Indians but
the kings of Persia also have translated and sung the
poems of Homer, "if one may credit those who write on
these matters."^^ On such vague authority, coupled
doubtless with the fact that an Indo-Greek kingdom had
formerly existed and had at one time extended to the
Jumna, and that barbaric kings so honoured Greece
that on their coins they entitled themselves Philhel-
lene,^* Damis built up this part of his romance, which
flattered Greek prejudices and soothed Greek vanity
and was willingly received by that influential and edu-
31 Kot nep<T«i' Kai "Siovaiavuv nai Ted^uaicDV rroiSes ras Evpimdoo nai
2o<l)0«Aeouv TpuyuSias JiSoy, ut supra.
='2 De Houiero Oratio, LIII, 277; II, Eeiske.
33 VarisB Hist., L. xii, c. 48.
84 Bayer Keg. Greec. Bactriani Hist., p. 117.
62 TRAVELS OF APOLLOXIUS.
cated class to whom it was addressed, and who were
struggling to give new life and energy to the perishing
religion of Greece.
Of Damis's geography I can only say that it reminds
me of a fairy tale. As soon as he leaves the well-
known scene of Alexander's exploits, he crosses moun-
tains unknown to any map, and 'then describes an
immense plain of fifteen days' journey to the Ganges
and eighteen days to the Eed Sea, but which he himself
travels over in fourteen days; for in four days he
reaches the hill of the Sophoi, and thence in ten days
arrives at the one mouth of the Hyphasis. Who shall
explain these discrepancies, account for these mistakes,
and fix localities thus vaguely described ?
Ee vie wing the whole work of Philostratus, it seems
to me that Apollonius either pretended or was believed
to have travelled through, and made some stay in India,
but that very possibly he did not really visit it ; and
that if he did visit it, our Damis never accompanied him,
but fabricated the journal Philostratus speaks of, for it
contains some facts, from books written upon India and
tales^^ current about India which he easily collected at
that great mart for Indian commodities and resort for
Indian merchants — Alexandria.
36 Traceable to the same sources as those from whicli Dio Chry-
sostom obtained bis stories about India. In his oration to tlie
people of Alexandria, he speaks of Bactrians, Scythia,ns, Persians,
and a few Indians {IvSoov Tivas), as frequenting their city (Ih., I, p.
672) ; and as authority for his Indian tale to the Celaeni, he gives :
Tti'es TCttv acpiKUovfievoou tcpaaaw atpiKVowrai Se ov iroWoi Tives ejunopiai
€VfK€u. ovToi Se tni/j.i'yvvvTai rois irpos QaXarrrj- rovio 5e UTifiov farev
Ifdcov TO yevos, ot re aAAoi ^l/syovaiv avrovs. — II, 72, p. 3.
ON THE
INDIAN EMBASSY TO AUGUSTUS.
ON
THE IJSTDIAK EMBASSY TO AUGUSTUS.
NicoLAUS Damascenus, in a fragment preserved by
Strabo,^ relates that at Antiocli Epidapbne he fell in
with three Indian ambassadors, then on their way to
the court of Augustus. They were, as their letter
showed, the survivors of a larger embassy, to the other
members of which the length of the journey principally
had proved fatal.^ Their letter was written on parch-
ment {Bccjidepay and in the name of Porus and in Greek.
1 Geograph. India, 1. xv, c. I, 73, also Damasceni, Frag. 91 j Frag.
Hist. Grsec, iii, v, p. 419, Didot.
^ Oyy €K fx(ur7}S (TTi(rro\7]S irKeiovs SrjKovffdat, (rco6r]vai Se rpets fxovovs ovs
tdiiv <p7}ai, rovs 5'aAAous viro fxrjKovs tcov odcou Sia<pdapr]vai ro ir\€ov. Ut
supra. Similarly of the six or seven hundred sent by Kublai Khan
with the Polos to conduct his daughter to the Prince of Persia
only eight reached their destination. " Et sachiez sans faille que
quand ils entrerent en mer, ils furent bien vi cent personnes sans
les mariniers. Tous morurent, qu'il n'en eschapa que viii." Marco
Polo, c. xxiii, 30, p. 1, ed. Pauthier; all but eighteen, ed. Soc.
Geog. Six hundred of the crew died, of the three ambassadors
only one survived, whilst of the women only one died.— Ed. Mars-
den, p. 24.
8 Ext Se Kat ro Kar* cjue, iroWoi tu)V ^apfiapoov fs...Si(p6€pa5 ypatpovai.
Herodotus, v, 58. As materials used for writing on in India,
Eeinaud, Mem. sur I'lnde, p. 305, mentions barks of trees in the
north and palm leaves in the south. Heeren, Hist. Ees., II, 107,
on the authority of Paolino, adds to these cotton. Dr. Rost's rice
F
66 THE INDIAN EMBASSY
It set forth tliatPonis,thoTigli lord over six hundred kings,
much valued the friendship of, and was ready to open
his dominions to, Caesar, and to assist him on all just
and lawful occasions.* The presents they brought with
them were in the charge of eight well-anointed slaves
naked all but their girdles, and consisted of a youth
whose arms had been amputated at the shoulders in
childhood, a sort of Hermes, some large vipers, a snake
ten cubits long, a river tortoise of four cubits, and a
partridge somewhat larger than a vulture. With the
ambassadors was that Indian, who burned himself at
Athens — not to escape from present ills, but because,
hitherto successful in everything he had undertaken, he
now feared, lest any longer life should bring him misery
and disappointment; and so smiling, naked and per-
fumed, he leaped into the burning pile. On his tomb
was placed this inscription : —
"Here lies Zarmanochegas, of Bargosa, who according
to the ancestral custom of the Hindus gave himself im-
mortality."^
In this narrative, the king of kings Porus, the Greek
paper j while Hiouen Tlisang intimates that in his time the Tala
leaf was generally used. " Les feuilles des Tala (Borassus flabel-
liformis) sont longues, larges, et d'une couleur luisante. Dans
tous les Eoyaumes de I'lnde il n'y a personne qui n'en recueille
pour ecrire," iii, v, p. 148. On the whole I very much doubt if the
Hindus ever wrote on parchment or any prepared skin. Dr. Eost,
librarian of the India House, knows of no Hindu parchment MSS. ;
and of no MSS. more than five hundred years old.
^ Kot 6T0//X0S eiTj hio^ov 7€ 7rap6X€Ji', OTTTj jSouAerat, nai av/xirpaTTeiv baa
KaXcDs 6X^'' ^^ supra.
5 Zapfiavoxvyc-^ Ij'Sos avo Bapyocrris Kara ra irarpia Ii'bwv edr} kavrov
aTTaflaj'aTtcras Kurtm. MS.
TO AUGUSTUS. 67
letter, the beggarly presents better suited to a juggler's
booth than to the court of a great sovereign, strike us
with surprise ; and we ask whether an Indian, or what
purported to be an Indian Embassy, and such an em-
bassy as described by Damascenus, ever presented itself
to Augustus, and by whom and from what part of India
it could have been sent ?
To this Indian Embassy, Horace, a cotemporary, in
more than one ode, exultingly and with some little ex-
aggeration aUudes f and to it Strabo almost a cotempo-
6 Carmen Seculare, 55, 56 (written about 17 B.C.) ; Ode 14, L. iv,
(13 B.C.), and Ode 12, L. i (22 B.C. according to Bentley, 19 B.C.
according to Donatus) where he speaks of " Subjectos Seres et
Indos." Who the Seres were I do not know ; Eeinaud, however,
will have them to be the Chinese. Indeed, in a series of papers on
the Relations between Eome and India, the first of which appeared
in the Journal Asiatique for March, 1863, and the whole of which
have been subsequently published in a separate form, he argues
that between the two countries considerable political and commer-
cial intercourse existed already in the reign of Augustus. And in
support of his view he cites from TibuUus, Propertius, Virgil,
Horace, etc., passages which with one exception are so general
that they surely are but as Sibylline prophecies or poetic aspira-
tions. The one exception I allude to is the 3 EL, B. iv, of Proper-
tius, which purports to be the letter of a wife Arethusa to her
husband Lycotas, a soldier, whose continued absence she deplores.
Te modo viderunt iteratos Bactra per ortus
Te modo munito Sericus hostis equo,
Hybernique Getae pictoque Britannia curru,
Ustus et Eoo decolor Indus equo.
But as the armies of Augustus never passed the Euphrates, it
cannot have been as a Eoman soldier that Lycotas traversed and
retraversed Bactria, and surely than that Lycotas, as Eeinaud sug-
gests, was an ambassador from Antony to Kanischka, it is easier
to suppose that he was a mercenary Greek, who had fought in the
armies of the Parthian kings, and whose adventures had been
noised in Eome ; and easiest of aU to look on the letter as without
6S THE INDIAN EMBASSY
rary a second time refers/ when in opening his account
of India he laments the scantiness of his materials; that
so few Greeks, and those but ignorant traders and incap-
able of any just observation, had reached the Ganges ;
and that from India but one embassy to Augustus from
one place and from one king Pandion or Porus had
visited Europe. Of later writers who mention it, Florus
(a.d. 110, 17) states that the ambassadors were four
years on the road, and that their presents were of ele-
phants, pearls, and precious stones";^ and Suetonius
(a.d. 120, 30) attributes it to the fame of Augustus'
moderation and virtues, which allured Indians and Scy-
thians to seek his alliance and that of the Eoman peo-
ple.^ Dio Cassius (a.d. 194) speaks of it at length ; he
tells, that "at Samos (b.c. 22, 20) many embassies came to
Augustus, and that the Indians, having before pro-
claimed, then and there concluded, a treaty of alliance
any foundation in fact, as purely imaginary as the subject Indians
and the Seric cavalry, and on Lycotas as the representative of the
Eoman armies, and their achievements past and to come, a delicate
flattery of the courtly Propertius.
7 Ut supra, 4, c. Kot oi vw 8e e^ AiyvKriov irXiovrfs efiiropiKoi r^
NcjAqu KOI T^ Apa^Kf koXttw ju^xpt ttjs lvZiKr)S airavioi /xcv kui •jr€pnr\€vKacri
fi^XP^ ''■"i' Vwyyov, Kai ovroi 5' ibiwrat Kai ovdev irpos taroptav twv tottuv
XP'?o't)UOi, KaK^iB^v S' a<^' kvos Toirov Koi Trap' euos fiaaiXeus TlavSiovos Kai
aWov (77 Kar' aWovs, Groskurd) Tlwpov, t]KiV oos Kaiaapa tov '2,il3aaTov
Soopa Kai Trpf(T0€ia Kai 6 KaraKavaas eavrov AOrjVTjcri aocpiaJTjs IfSos, Kada-
irep 6 KaXavos AAe^ai Spa) ttjj' ToiavTTfu deav eTridei^afxeuos.
5^ Hist. Eom., iv, c. 12, ad calcem " Indi cum gemmis et marga-
ritis elephantes quoque inter munera trahentes nihil magis quam
longinquitatem vise imputabant quam quadriennio impleverant."
9 Augustus, c. 21. " Qua virtutis moderationisque fama, Indos
etiam ac Scythas auditu modo cognitos pellexit ad amicitiam suam
populique Eomani ultro per legates petendam.'*
TO AUGUSTUS. 69
with liim ;^^ that among their gifts were tigers now seen
for the first time by Eomans and even Greeks, and a
youth witliout arms like a statue of Hermes, but as ex-
pert with his feet as other people with their hands, for
with them he could bend a bow, throw a javelin, and
play the trumpet." Dio then goes on to say that " one
of the Indians, Zarmaros, whether because he was of the
Sophists and therefore out of emulation, or whether be-
cause he was old and it was the custom of his coun-
try, or whether as a show for the Athenians and Au-
gustus who had gone to Athens, expressed his deter-
mination of putting an end to his existence. And having
been first initiated in the mysteries of the two Gods^^
held out of their due course for the initiation of Augus-
tus, he afterwards threw himself into the burning pile."
Hieronymus (a.d. 380) in his translation of the Canon
10 Hist. Eom., L. 9, 58, p. ii, Bekker A. Y. 734. b.c. 18.
Augustus being then in Samos, UaixiroKXai St? irpca^eiai irpos avrov
atpiHOVTo, Kai ol IvSoi TtpoKripvKivaajXiUoi irponpov (piXiav roSe eaireicravTO,
Swpa irefxr^avTes aAAa re Kai riypeis, irpcorou tot6 tois PwixaioLs, i/ofxi^oo
5' OTi Kai Tois EWrjaiv, o<pdei(rai' Kai ri Kai fieipaKiou ot av€v wuwp, olovs
Tovs 'Ep/Jias dpcofiev, fSooKaV Kai ^ivroi toiovtov bv €K€it'o es iravra rois
■nocTiv are Kai x^pTiv exprjro, to^ov t6 avTOis evereive Kai fi€\T] tjcpiei Kai eaa\-
iri^eu...'Ypa(pa} yap \€yofAeva...(is d' ovv rctv ludwu Zapinapos...€iTe Kai es
eniSei^iv Tov 5e Avyvrrrov Kai rcou A9r]uaicou {Kai yap eKeicrcu r]\6ev) airo-
daveiv fQe\7](Tas c/jLv-qOr} re ra roiu 6eoiu, rcov fxv(7rr)pia}u Kanrep ouk ev rep
Kad7}K(iuri Kaipo), ws (paai, 5ta rov hvyvarov Kai avrov fjieixvrjfxeuovyevopLevuv,
Kai TTvpi kavrov ^oivra e^eScoKev.
11 Suetonius, without going into detail, casually confirms this
initiation of Augustus at Athens, ^'Namque Athenis initiatus, &c.,"
Aug. c. 93. But allowing that Augustus was initiated at Athens at
this time, it does not follow that this Hindu was initiated with
him, though such an initiation would be no impossible proceeding
in a Buddhist priest.
70 THE INDIAN EMBASSY
Chronicon of Eusebius^^ just notices an Indian Embassy
to Augustus/^ but places it in the third year of the
188th Olympiad, or B.C. 26. And Orosius, a native of
Tarragona (early part of the 5th century) relates/* that
"an Indian and a Scythian Embassy traversed the whole
world, and found Caesar at Tarragona, in Spain ;" and
with some rhetorical flourish, then observes, " that just
as in Babylon Alexander received deputations from
Spain and the Gauls, so now Augustus in the furthest
12 I have not cited Eusebius, because, in Mains* and Zohrab's
edition of his Canon Chronicon founded on an old Armenian ver-
sion, there is no allusion whatever to our embassy. I observe also
that Scaliger's edition makes the same double and confused men-
tion of it, and in the very same words that does George the Syn-
cell's Chronographia, from which Scaliger largely borrowed. Know-
ing then how Scaliger made up his edition of the Canon Chron., I
suspect that even supposing a notice of our embassy in the original
work, and this is doubtful (Mains' Pref., xviii), such a notice
could not well have existed in the shape in which it now appears.
For Georgius and Scaliger's Canon Chronicon under the one hun-
dred and eighty-eighth Olymp., state, rare Kai UavSiav 6 ro>v Ivdwv
/BaatXeus cirfKVpvKevaaro (}>ihos AtryvaTov yeveadai (/cat ai/ju/xoxoj) ; then
going back to the hundred and eighty-fifth 01. (40-36 e.g.), each
tells of the death of Antony and the capture of Lepidus, and how
Augustus then became sole emperor, and how the Alexandrians
compute the years of Augustus, and then adds UavSicov 6 rcov IvSav
^aai\ev5 (f>i\os AxryvaTov Kai avfiimaxos irpea/SeueTat. Georg. Syncellus
Byzant. Hist. Niebuhr, 588-9, ih.
13 Indi ab Augusto amicitiampostularunt, 188th 01ym.(Migneed )
1* Interea Csesarem apud Tarraconem citerioris Hispaniae urbem
legati Indorum et Scytharum toto orbe transmisso tandem ibi in-
venerunt, ultra quod quserere non possent, refuderuntque in
Csesarem Alexandri Magni gloriam ; quern sicut Hispanorum Gal-
lorumque legatio in medio Oriente apud Babylonem contempla-
tione pacis adiit, ita hunc apud Hispaniam in Occidentis ultimo
supplex cum gentilitio munere eous Indus et Scytha boreus oravit.
— Orosius, Hist, vi, c. xii.
TO AUGUSTUS. 71
west was approached with gifts by suppliant Indian
and Scythian Ambassadors." From these authorities, I
think we may safely conclude, that an Indian Embassy,
or what purported to be an Indian Embassy, was received
by Augustus.
But while we allow that our authorities are ap-
plicable to or certainly not irreconcilable with Damas-
cenus' embassy which Augustus received at Samos, 22-20
B.C. ; we cannot but observe that St. Jerome's is referred
to the year 26 B.C. and that Orosius brings it to Tarragona,
whither Augustus had gone 27 B.C., and where he was
detained tiU 24 B.C. by the Cantabrian war. Hence a
difficulty, which Casaubon and others have endeavoured
to remove by assuming two Indian Embassies ; the one
at Tarragona to treat of peace, the other at Samos to
ratify the peace agreed upon. But — ^not to mention
that this preliminary embassy is unknown to the
earlier writers,^^ who all so exult in the so-called second
embassy that they scarcely would have failed to notice
the first — I would first remark that no author whatever
speaks of two Indian Embassies. And I would secondly
refer to the ambassadorial letter of which Damascenus
has preserved the contents, and in which we find no
allusion to any previous contract or agreement between
the two sovereigns, but simply an offer on the part of
the Hindu prince to open his country to the subjects
^5 I do not overlook the irpoKrjpvKevcrafievoi irporepov ^i\iav rare
effirfiaavTo of Dio Cassius. But is it, looking at the context, possible
to conceive that those irpoKrjpvKevffafxfvoi were other than those who
T0T6 fcireiaavro, and who were at Antioch 22 B.C. and who then
probably gave notice of their mission by herald ?
72 THE INDIAN EMBASSY
and citizens of Eome in the person of Csesar. Surely-
then, than this embroglio of embassies which come to
sue for peace where war was impossible, it is more
natural to suppose that Jerome a careless writer^^ mis-
dated his embassy ; and that Orosius, a friend and
pupil of Jerome,^'^ finding that the date in Jerome
tallied with Caesar's expedition to Spain, seized the
opportunity both of illustrating his native town and of
instituting a comparison between Augustus and Alex-
ander the Great. I think we may rest content with
one embassy.
But is Damascenus' account of this embassy a trust-
worthy and faithful account ? Strabo evidently gives
credit to it, and to some extent confirms it by stating
that the Hermes he himself had seen {ov Kai r)fjLec<;
eiBofiev) ; and in another place, while he attributes our
embassy to a Pandion rather than a Porus, he still
connects it with the Indian who burned himself at
Athens.^^ Plutarch (a.d. 100, 10) in noticing the self-
cremation of Calanus Alexander's Gymnosophist adds,
that many years afterwards at Athens another Indian
in the suite of Augustus similarly put an end to his
life, and that his monument is still known as the
Indian's tomb.^^ Horace, Florus, and Suetonius, give
indeed another character and other objects to the
16 *f Propter festinationem quam ipse in Chronici prsefatione
fatetur.*' — Maius, Can. Chron. Prsef. xix.
17 Smith's Diet, of Greek and Eom. Biog., Art. Orosius.
18 Vide supra, note 7.
19 TouTo iToWois €T€<riv varepov aWos IvSos ev Adrjuais Kaiaapi avvuv
eiroiriaeu Kai deiKvmai fxexpi vvv to fiviifi.iiov Iv^ov KaAovfAfVoy. Alex-
andri vita, vitse iii, p. 1290.
TO AUGUSTUS. 73
embassy, but write too loosely to be authorities for any
fact not reconcilable with the narrative of Damascenus.
With that narrative Dio Cassius, too, in the main
agrees ; but as he specifies tigers, a truly royal gift,^^
and unknown to Damascenus, as among the Indian
presents, he gives us an opportunity of testing his and
Damascenus' accuracy. For he af&rms that the tigers
of the embassy were the first ever seen by Eomans.
Now Suetonius mentions it as a trait of Augustus, that
he was ever so ready to gratify the people with the
sight of rare or otherwise remarkable animals, that he
would exhibit them " extra ordinem," out of due course
and on ordinary days, and that in this way he exhibited
a tiger on the stage.^^ And Pliny states that " a tame
tiger" (and other than tame tigers our ambassadors
would scarcely carry about with them) "was shown in
Home for the first time at the consecration of the
Theatre of Marcellus (the in scena of Suetonius) in the
Nones of May and during the consulships of Q. Tubero
and Fabius Maximus,^^ or in the year 11 B.C., i.e. nine
years after the date of our embassy, hardly, therefore,
20 Suleiman Aga when sent by the Pasha of Bagdad to the Go-
vernor-General of India takes as presents five horses and four
lions. — Castlereagh Dispatches, v, 193.
21 " Solebat etiara citra spectaculorum dies, si quando quid novi-
tatum dignumque cognitu advectum esset, id extra ordinem quoli-
bet loco publicare : ut rhinocerotem apud septa, tigrim in scena,
anguem quinquaginta cubitorum pro Comitio." — Augustus, c. 43.
22 Augustus Q. Tuberone, Paulo Maximo coss. iv. Nonas Maias
TheatroMarcelli dedicatione tigrim primus omnium Eomse ostendit
in cavea mansuefactum : Divus vero Claudius simul quatuor. —
Plin.Hist. Nat., viii, 25. How common afterwards! — v. Martial,
viii, 1. 26, Ep.
74 THE INDIAN EMBASSY
a tiger presented by it. The evidence of Dio Cassins
on this point is then, to say the least of it, unsupported,
and we see no reason to believe that tigers were among
the Indian gifts. We thus find the account of Damas-
cenus confirmed in several particulars, and in none
satisfactorily impugned. We accept the Indian Sophist,
we accept the Hermes, we accept the beggarly presents,
and because we accept so much we accept also the
Greek letter, and the Pandyan or Puru, king of kings ;
for we believe, as Strabo also evidently believed,
that what Damascenus wrote, he wrote from his own
knowledge. But how then explain what is so at
variance with our established notions ?
Lassen^^ in that great Encyclopaedia of Hindu litera-
ture the "Indische Alterthumskunde", evidently struck
by the good faith of Damascenus' narrative, has endea-
voured to smooth down the difficulties attached to it. The
six hundred subject kings he sets down to evident exag-
geration, but he identifies the Porus of the embassy with
the Paurava king, who at the beginning of our sera on
the death of Kadphises II founded an independent king-
dom in the Western Punjab. Tliis Prince he observes
was a serpent-worshipper, and as a serpent-worshipper
would naturally look upon the sacred reptile as a fit offer-
ing to a brother sovereign. He accounts : for the pre-
sents, by suggesting that the more valuable of them the
ambassadors had sold on the road : and for the Greek
letter, by supposing that it was obtained from some
Greek scribe, and substituted for the royal credentials.^*
23 Indisclie Alterthumskunde, 59, 60, p. iii.
2^ Surely the Greek legends on Indian coins, where the sove-
TO AUGUSTUS. 75
This explanation, however ingenious, is scarcely satis-
factory. For,
1st. Even supposing that our ambassadors had pro-
cured a Greek version^^ of the royal letter, yet as Damas-
cenus expressly states that their letter was in Greek,
not translated, it follows that they must have sup- •
pressed the original and substituted for it what may or
may not have been a translation, i.e.^ we must suppose
them guilty of the gravest crime which can be laid to
the charge of ambassadors, the falsification of their cre-
dentials.
2ndly. Allowing our Porus to have been a serpent-
worshipper, was he therefore likely to approach an un-
known ally with one of his pet gods, and such a god \
as an offering V-^ I have never heard that the old
Egyptian Pharaohs, in reciprocating civilities with any
reign's name, wWcli could not have been copied from any existing
die, is found with its proper inflexions, as e. g. on the coins of
Azes 50 B.C. BASIAEQZ BASIAEHN MEFAAOT AZOT (Wilson's Ariana
Antiqua, 325), would indicate that in the north-west provinces of
India the Greek language was not utterly forgotten : and if we
could believe that our embassy came from the Punjab, we would
take it for granted that its Greek letter was composed there.
25 Eubruquis, a.d. 1250, thus speaks of the royal letter which
he delivered to the Tartar king: *' Afterwards I delivered unto
him your Majesty's letters with the translation thereof into the
Arabike and Syriake languages. For I caused them to be trans-
lated at Acori into the character and dialect of both the rudo
tongues." — Hakluyt, 1, 117. But the Buddhist priest who brings a
letter, a.d. 982, from an Indian King to the Chinese Emperor
delivers it, and the Emperor orders it to be translated. — Eaits
concemant I'lnde, tr. du Chinois, Pauthier, p. 73.
26 Yet Hadrian consecrated an Indian serpent in the Olympion
at Athens, ^paKoura otto IvSias KoixiadfVTa aviBrjKev. — Dio Cassius.
Xiphilinus II, p. 329, Bekker.
76 THE INDIAN EMBASSY
neighbouring king, ever presented him with some well-
grown crocodile, or a case of beetles with their appro-
priate garniture. But let the serpent pass. You have
still to account for the vipers and the tortoise. And if
you allege in apology that these Avere but the dregs and
refuse of a once richly freighted embassy, and that all
that was of value, the pearls and spices, had been sold :
then as it could only have been sold under the pressure
of want, you have to show that under the circumstances
the pressure of want was probable.^^ Now, though the
journey before our ambassadors was long and perhaps
dangerous, it was over no strange and untrodden coun-
try, but along the most ancient route in the world,^ fre-
quented by caravans, with many stopping-places well
known and at ascertained distances f^ it is scarcely
credible then that they should set out otherwise than
provided against all contingencies, as well provided at
least as the merchants whom they probably accompanied,
and scarcely credible that they should have actually
suffered from want. But may not the troubles which
then harassed the Parthian Empire have delayed their
27 The French expedition from Saigon to Shangai left June 5th,
1866, reached Yunnan Dec. 23rd, 1867, and Shangai June 12th,
1868. They took two years, but were detained at Bossal on the
Lower Laos four months. At Yunnan they arrived exhausted and
in absolute want, — instruments, books, every thing had to be
abandoned. At Tonghenan their chief died. But the route was an
unexplored one. — Saturday Review, Nov. 21, 1868, p. 683.
28 Arrian speaks of a Xiuxpopos 6Sos, extending evidently, from
the context, in the direction of India through Bactria. — Exped.
Alexand., iii, L. c. 21.
29 V. Mansiones Parthicse Isidori Characeni. Geograph. Minor
iv, Didot ed., and a short account of another route for goods in
Pliny, Hist. Nat., vi, xix.
TO AUGUSTUS. 77
progress, lengthened their journey, and thus increased its
expenses ? Yes, but as those troubles were now of long
standing, they appear surely rather as a reason against
the setting out of the embassy than as one for its miser-
able plight on arrival.
3rdly. The Paurava Prince to whom Lassen would as-
cribe this embassy, obtained his throne only after the
death of Kadphises II, and in the beginning of our sera.
And as Kadphises conquered India, more properly the
Punjab and Kabulistan, according to Lassen himself
about 24 B.C. and died about 10 b.c./^ and as our em-
bassy met Augustus at Samos 22, 20 B.C., it very evidently
could not be the embassy of the Paurava Prince. And
it could hardly have represented either Kadphises or
the King whom Kadphises dethroned; because it is
improbable that Kadphises in any transaction with a
foreign sovereign would appear disguised under a Hindu
name ; and very improbable that either the king who
had just conquered a kingdom, or the king who was on
the point of losing one, should occupy himself with em-
bassies not of a political but of a purely commercial
character, and for an object which the very countries
that separated him from Eome rendered impossible.
^ Lassen ut supra, ii, p. 411, corrected by note 8, p. 813. "Kad-
phises wahrscheinlich Indien 24 v. Christi G. eroberte und etwa
14 Jahren nachher starb." Wilson, Ariana Antiqua places him,
however, " not earlier than the commencement of the Christian
sera", and seems to have misunderstood Lassen when he adds that
*' Lassen proposes the end of the first century as the term of the
kingdom of Kadphises," p. 353. As to the extent of his dominions,
Lassen ib. p. 818, observes " Seine Beinahme, Beherrscher der
Erde, macht Anspriiche auf ein ausgedehntes Reich. Diese An-
spriiche miissen auf Kabulistan und das Punjab beschrankt werden."
78 THE INDIAN EMBASSY
But liow tlien account for all that surprises us in this
embassy ?
What do we gather from Damascenus' narrative ?
I. He met our ambassadors at Antioch Epidaphne.
Now Antioch Epidaphne is so situated that it is just as
probable they arrived there on the road to Greece from
the western coast of the Indian Peninsula, either by
way of the Red Sea and Alexandria or the Persian
Gulf and the Euphrates, as by the mid- Asiatic route
and from the Punjab.
II. Damascenus speaks of a native of Bargosa as accom-
panying or attached to the embassy, and though he
states that the ambassadorial letter was written in the
name of Porus, Strabo rather attributes it to a Pandion :
and as Barygaza is a trading town at the mouth of the
Nerbudda on the Indian coast, and Pandya a kingdom
extending along the Western shores of the Indian
Peninsula, to the Western coast of India I conclude
with Strabo that the embassy probably belongs.
III. This native of Bargosa or Barygaza, Sanscrit
Varikatcha (Julien), is described as a Hindu, and bears
a name Zarmanos Chegan, Sanscrit gramanakarja,^^ i.e.,
Teacher of the Shamans, which points him out as of the
Buddhist faith and a priest, and as his death proves a
priest earnest in his faith. His companions then were
probably Hindus also, and perhaps Buddhists and the
representatives of a Hindu and possibly a Buddhist
prince.
31 Lassen ut supra iii, p. 60. Just in the same way 1 conclude
that Calanus who followed Alexander and burned himself in Persia
was a Buddhist as well from his willingness to leave his home and
his death as from his conversation with Onesicritus. — Strabo, xv.
TO AUGUSTUS. 79
rv. The wretched presents — the Greek letter — the
sort of doubt which hangs over the name and country of
the prince, are all indicative not of the sovereign of a
great kingdom, hut of the petty raja of some commercial
town or insignificant district.
V. The presents not unsuited to the tastes of Augus-
tus, and the Greek letter and its purely commercial
tone, indicate that our embassy was planned and organ-
ized by Greek traders, and more for Greek than Hindu
interests.
VI. This embassy is conceivable only under the sup-
position that, if it forwarded the interests of the Greeks
who planned it, it also benefited the Hindu prince who
was induced to lend it his name.
But who was this Prince ? who these Greeks ? and
what their common interests ? The prince and his resi-
dence we are unable to identify. There is nothing in
the reptiles of the presents, larger indeed in Guzerat^^
but common to the whole western coast of India, which
can enable us to fix on the locale of the embassy. If
we turn to the name of the prince, we find that he is a
Porus in the ambassadorial letter, but had become Pan-
dion when Strabo wrote^^ and the Peninsula was better
32 For the serpents of Guzerat see Forbes, Oriental Memoirs, i,
480 ; for the partridges of the Nerbudda, the black kind are striking
from their beauty, none remarkable for their size, id.., 501. Might
the partridge of the embassy, large as a hawk, have been the
jungle fowl which Forbes describes as having something of the
plumage of the partridge ?
33 As the kingdom of Pandya according to the Periplus Erith.
Anony. is the S. Deccan and extends from Nelkunda, Nelisuram, to
Komar, Cape Comorin (§ 54, 58, Didot ed.), we see how with the
80 THE INDIAN EMBASSY
known. A Puru of the Punjab we have seen that in all
probability he was not; and I do not understand how he
could well have been a Pandyan ; because Pandya was
a great and powerful sovereign and of the Saiva faith,^*
the most bigoted of the Hindu forms of religion, and
was not likely therefore either to have initiated a com-
mercial alliance with a foreign state, or to have initiated
it by such an embassy as ours. D'Anville suggests that
he was a Kana of Ougein who claimed a descent from
Porus.^^ But surely a descent from Porus real or pre-
tended, is not in itself sufficient to identify our prince,
unless it can be shown that like the Pandyans and the
Guptas he attached to his own name that of his ances-
tors, used it as a family name and in all public docu-
ments styled himself son of Puru. Besides, it seems to
me that Ougein is too far inland to have already come
into direct contact with Greek traders, and to have
known anything of Augustus and the Eoman Empire.
To recur then to our naiTative, it records' the name of
one Indian town, Bargosa or Barygaza.^^ And in the
increase in the direct trade the name Pandion should become
better known at Alexandria than that of Porus, and at length
take its place.
34 The prevailing form of the Hindu religion in the south of the
Peninsula was at the commencement of the Christian era and
some time before it, most probably that of Siva. Hist. Sketch of
Pandya. — Wilson, Journal Eoy. As. Soc. iii, p. 204.
35 Vincent's Commerce of the Antients, ii, 407. It is perhaps as
well to state, that from a Note of Wilson's in his sketch of Pandya,
it seems that the Aarivansa and Agni Purana make Pandya of the
line of Puru ; but that as he is not so specified in the Vishnu
Purana, Wilson is of opinion that " his insertion is the work of
more recent authorities." — Journal Roy. As. Soc. iii, 'No. 1 note.
s6 Barygaza was the port of Ougein and may have belonged to
TO AUGUSTUS. 81
neighbourhood of Barygaza, and indeed throughout the
Northern part of the Peninsula, statues and temples of
Buddha are still seen, which indicate that there formerly
Buddhism was certainly recognised, perhaps flourished,
and was on the ascendant.^'' Barygaza besides situated
at the mouth of a great river was when the Periplus
was written a place of considerable trade, the great
and legal mart^^ for the commerce of the West, a city
therefore which would probably avail itself with eager-
ness of any opportunity for assuring its friendly rela-
tions with its great customer, Eome ; and to it I should
be inclined to refer our embassy. But when we re-
member that Damascenus miscalls it, and that Strabo
copies and does not correct him and never himself
notices the place, we may well doubt whether in the
times we are speaking of it was frequented by Greeks,
or better known to them than the other commercial
ports on the same part of the coast.^^ And except
it, Epi de avrri (Inest huic region!) Kai €| avaroXris ttoXis Xeyofiivrj
OfrjrTj €v 7j Kttt ra I3aai\€ia irporepov i)v, act) 7]S iravra €ts Bapvya'^a
Karacpeperai, § 48.
37 Forbes in tlie plates to his Oriental Memoirs, gives a statue
of Buddha (he calls it of Paravant) which he saw at Cambay, and
of Buddhist figures on columns at Salsette. Hiouen Thsang, in
noticing the state of Buddhism in Barygaza and Ougein, speaks
of it as on the decline, iii, 154, as flourishing in Guzerat, i6., 165,
and in the Konkan, ih., 147.
88 Not always so. The Periplus tells us that KaWieva (hodie
Calliani non longe a Bombay distans) cTrt twv 'S.apayovov rov trpea-
fivTfpov XPO^of' €fji,iropiov yevofievov. fiera yap to Karaax^^v aim]v l,av-
SavTjv €Kw\v6rj eirt ttoXu, Kai yap ta €K ivxvs fis tovtovs rovs ronovs
fiafiaWovTa irXoia 'E\\7}viKa fura (pvKaKTjs €is Bapvya^a €i<Tay€Tai. § ^
with the note.
39 See preceding note.
G
82 THE INDIAN EMBASSY
that one of its citizens was in the ambassadorial suite,
I do not think it can show any special claim to our
embassy.
Who our Greeks were we may more accurately
determine. After the destruction of the Persian Empire,
the two great Western marts for the produce of India
were Palmyra and Alexandria. But with regard to
Palmyra —
I. Its distance from the Peninsula of India was too
short, and the route through the Persian Gulf and up
the Euphrates too direct to admit of a journey so long,
that from the mere time it occupied as hinted by
Damascenus several of the ambassadors should have
died on the road.
II. Palmyra at this period still retained its national
character and civilization and was essentially a Syrian
republic. It had not yet merged into that Graeco-
Eoman city which it became after the time of Trajan,
and which its ruins and the legends on its coins and
the names of some of its citizens illustrate.*^ Greek
and Eoman residents it no doubt admitted, but
they could have been neither numerous enough nor
powerful enough to have organised and forwarded our
embassy.
III. Paliiiyra, situated in the desert some eighty
miles from the Euphrates, was pre-eminently an inland
^^ For this account of Palmyra I have consulted Pliny, Hist.
Nat., V, 21 j Gibbon's Eoman Empire, c. xi, vol. i; Heeren's Manual
of Ant. Hist., pp. 348, 57 ; the Art. Zenobia, Smith's Gk. and
Eom. Biog. Diet., and the Articles Palmyra by Fliigel, and Paliio-
graphie, iv, by Gesenius, in Ersch. und Griiber's Encyclopedic.
TO AUGUSTUS. 83
town. Its citizens and resident strangers were mer-
cliants, warehousemen, carriers, agents, but they as-
suredly were not seafaring men; they possessed no
ships, and received the produce of India through the
Arabs, whose vessels delivered it at Sura or Thapsacus ^
on the Euphrates whence it was brought on camels to
Palmyra. They neither had nor could have any direct
intercourse with India, and without such an intercourse
our embassy is not conceivable.
IV. Palmyra is not likely to have encouraged any
Indian embassy to the Eoman Emperor. It was a free
city.*^ Its inhabitants had not forgotten the designs of
Antony and the dangers they had but lately escaped,'*^
and it is not probable that they would now of their
own free will call Eoman attention to their wealth, and
place the Indians from whom they derived it in direct
communication with their own best customers. Througli
Palmyra this embassy could not have made its way to
Augustus.
We turn now to the Greeks of Alexandria. Alex-
andria with a population made up of about every
nation under the sun was essentially a Greek city. It
*^ Palmyra — velut terris exempta a rerum naturd privatd sorte,
inter duo imperia summa, Romanorum Parthorumque, et prima in
discordia semper utrumque cura. Plin. ut snpra — privata sorte,
sui juris.
^2 Antony sent out a body of cavalry to surprise and plunder
Palmyra, fUKpa fxev eniKaKcov avrois, 6ti VufiOLKav Kai Tlapdvaiuv ov7es
€(f)opioi, es (KUTcpovs firiSf^icos n-X^v, efJLiropoi yap ovres KOfxi^ovai fxiv e/c
Tlfporujv TO Iv^iKO, rri Apa^ia Siarid^vTai 5' ev rr) Fufxaicov. — Appian de
Bell. Civ., V, ix. Appian attributes this expedition to a desire for
plunder only. I suspect it was rather undertaken in the interests '^
of Alexandria.
84- THE INDIAN ExMBASSY
carried on a large, profitable and increasing trade witli
the East.*^ And though at the period of our embassy its
merchants seldom ventured beyond the Arab Ports of
Cane and Aden/* where they traded for the products
and manufactures of India, they nevertheless occa-
sionally sailed for the Indian Seas, and made their way
even to the Ganges. And as they then interfered with
the Arab monopoly, they saw themselves every where
jealously watched and opposed by the Arabs, every
where treated as interlopers, and had every where to
encounter the persecutions of an excited populace.*^
Only in some of the smaller and therefore neglected
l^orts, could they find opportunity and permission to
trade. And then how eagerly would they lay before
the authorities the advantages of a direct trade ! They
would show them the prices asked and obtained by the
Arabs for Hindu and Greek commodities, and point out
how of the profits the Arabs carried away the lion's
share. And if they fell in with some Eajah of the
Buddhist faith — a faith without the prejudices of race,
proselytising, catholic — and not averse to travel, they
surely would easily persuade him, as in after times the
Eajah of Ceylon was persuaded, to further and attempt
^3 Strabo states that in the time of the Ptolemies, some twenty
ships only (xvii, L. i, c. 130) ventured to cross the Indian seas,
but that the trade had so greatly increased that he himself saw at
Myos Hormos one hundred and twenty ships destined for India,
L. ii, V, c. 12 §.
44 Vincent's Commerce of the Antients, ii, 53, and Periplus,
C.27.
45 Just as the Arabs stirred up the populace of Calecut against
the Portuguese on their first attempts at trade in Calecut. Maffei,
Hist. India, pp. 49, 52, 114 ; conip. p. 24.
TO AUGUSTUS. 85
to assure the direct trade by an embassy, the details of
which a small Prince would willingly leave to them.
But besides this commercial interest common to both
peoples, the Greeks of Alexandria had an interest of
their own in getting up this embassy. In the great
civil war but just concluded they had been partisans of
Antony, they had fought in his ranks and were the
last to yield after his defeat. They had to conciliate
the favour of the conqueror. But they were no vulgar
flatterers, theirs was not that adulation which repeats
ever tlie same cuckoo note of praise. They studied
their man and to his temper and character adapted
their tone. To the literary Claudius they devoted a
new room in their Museum,*^ and placed his works
among their class-books. The theatre-circus-loving
Nero they wheedled by hired bands of artistic claqueurs}'^
And the usurpation of the plebeian Vespasian they
sanctioned by endowing him with miraculous powers.**^
4S Denique et Grsecas scripsit historias— Quarum caussa veteri
AlexandriseMuseo alterum additum exipsius nomine ; institutumque
ut quotannis in altero Typprji'tfcwj/ liberi, altero Kapxri^oviaKwv, diebus
statutis, velut in auditorio recitarentur. — Suetonii Claud., c. 42.
'*' "Captus autem modulatis Alexandrianorum laudationibus,
qui de novo commeatu Neapolim confluxerunt, plures Alexandria
evocavit." — 16., Nero, c. 20.
48 Auctoritas et quasi majestas qusedam, ut scilicet inopinato et
adhuc novo Principi deerat : hsec quoque accessit. E plebe quidam
luminibus orbatus, item alius debili crure, sedentem — adierunt,
orantes opem valetudinis, demonstratam a Serapide per quietem.
Cum vix fides esset — ideoque ne experiri quidem audiret, hortan-
tibus amicis palam pro concione utrumque tentavit, nee eventus
defuit. — Id.y Vespasianus, c. 7. Tacitus gives the miracles; but
in Tacitus, Vespasian is only mystified. Hist., iv, 81. Dio Cassius,
after mentioning the miracles, describes the disappointment of
86 THE INDIAN EMBASSY
How now would such a people seek to win over tlie
politic Augustus ? Tliey bring to liis feet tliese Indian
ambassadors, and thus raise him to a rivalship with
Alexander. That he was too wise and far-seeing to be
himself deceived is probable enough, but is no valid
objection. What cared he that the crown was of
copper-gilt and the robes of tinsel, provided that the
plaudits were real ? The object of the Alexandrians
was not to impose on him, but to gain his favour by
enabling him to impose on the Eoman people ; and that
they fully succeeded Eoman history sufficiently testifies.
In conclusion, I thus explain and account for our
embassy. In the Northern half of the Indian Penin-
sula Greek merchants in their intercourse with a
Hindu Eaja often press upon his notice the greatness
and wealth of their metropolis, and insist upon the
advantages which he and his country would derive
from more intimate commercial relations with it. They
advise an embassy, and offer a passage in their ship for
the ambassadors and for such presents as they can con-
veniently carry and he conveniently send. The Eaja
is persuaded. In due course the embassy arrives at
Alexandria, and for Alexandria only it may have been
originally intended. But the Alexandrians alive to
their own interests quickly forward it on to Augustus,
and give it weight and dignity by affixing to the Greek
letter with which they provide it a well-known and
time-honoured name. The presents they leave un-
changed, aware that the travel-worn ambassadors,
the Alexandrians who expected favour, and only got increased
taxation.
TO AUGUSTUS. 87
whose home is so distant that some of them have died
on their way to Caesar, will impress the imagination
more strongly than heaps of barbaric pearl and gold.
While I offer this explanation, I do not pretend that
it is entirely satisfactory, "refutation-tight;" enough if
it seems to others as to me, less improbable, less open
to objection, more simple and more in accordance with
the facts given, than others.
ON THE
SECOND INDIAN EMBASSY TO EOME.
ON THE
SECOND INDIAN EMBASSY TO EOME*
The second Indian embassy to Eome was tlie result of
an accident. Pliny tells the story thus. A freedman
of one Annius Plocamus, while in the Eed Sea collect-
ing the tolls and customs farmed of Claudius by his
patron, was caught in a gale of wind, driven past
Carmania, and on the fifteenth day carried into
Hippuros, a port of Ceylon. Here, though his ship
with its contents seems to have been seized and confis-
cated to the king's use,^ he himself was kindly and
hospitably treated. In six months' time he learned the
language. Admitted to familiar intercourse with the
king,2 in answer to his questions to told him of Kome
* Pliny, Nat. Hist., vi. 24.
^ Not expressly stated in tlie text, but surmised from an expres-
sion subsequently used, "denarii in captiva pecunia." — Pliny,
Hist. Nat., vi, 1, c 24.
2 So Sopater, and the Aditulani, his companions, a.d. 500, on
tbeir arrival in Ceylon are carried by the chiefs and custom-house
officers to the king, as was the custom : Kara to iOos ol apxovres km
ol rehwvai Se^ajxevoi tovtovs aTro<}}€pov<Ti nrpot rov /SacriAea. Cosmas
Indicop. ; Montfaucon, N. Coll, ; Patrum, i, p. 338. So of Sinbad
when found stranded on Ceylon, " the people talked together, and
said *We must take him with us, and present him to our king.'" —
Lane's Arabian Nights, p. 70, iii. Of this custom, however, I find
no trace whatever in the travels of Fa-hian, early part of fifth cen-
tury, or of Hiouen Thsang, seventh century.
92 THE SECOND INDIAN
and of Caesar. In these conversations and from some
denarii which had been found in the Eoman ship, and
which from the heads upon them had evidently been
coined at different times and by different persons, and
which nevertheless were all of the same weight,^ the
Sinhalese monarch learned to appreciate Eoman
justice. He became desirous of entering into alliance
with Eome, and for that purpose sent thither one
Eachias with three other ambassadors from whom as he
intimates Pliny* derived that fuller and more accurate
information with respect to Ceylon which he has em-
bodied in his Natural History.
They stated that in Taprobane were five hundred
towns :^ that in the south was situated Palissemundus,
3 The next time we hear of Eomans at the Sinhalese Court,
Eoman money then, as now, played its part. It seems that when
Sopater was presented, a Persian Ambassador was presented with
him. The Sinhalese monarch, after the first salutations, asked
whose was the most powerful sovereign. The Persian hurried on
to assert the wealth and superiority of the great king. Sopater
appealed to the coins of both people. The Eoman money, and
Sopater had only choice pieces with him, was of gold, bright, well
rounded, and of (a musical ring ?) Xafinpou, ev/jLopcpov, (vpoi^ov, the
Persian was of small pieces of silver. The king examines the coins,
and decides in favour of the Eomans, who he declares are a wise,
illustrious, and powerful people. — Cosmas in loc. cit. In another
place, p. 148, he speaks of the excellence and universal use of
Eoman money.
* " Hactenus a priscis memorata : nobis diligentior notitia .,
Contigit legatis etiam ex insu la advectis...Ex iis cognitum". —
Pliny, u. s.
5 '* An evident exaggeration'*, says Lassen, " but one fostered by
the native books". Thus the Eajavalli (Tennent's Ceylon, i, 422)
gives in a.d. 1301 to Ceylon 1,400,000 villages ; but as the same
work states that Dutugamini built " 900,000 houses of earth, and
EMBASSY TO KOME. 93
the capital,^ with its harbour and royal residence of two
hundred thousand inliabitants -J that inland was a lake,
Megisba, three hundred and seventy-five miles round,
and studded here and there with grass islands ; and
that from this lake two rivers issued, of which the one
took a northerly course and was called the Cydara,
while the other, the Palissemundus, flowed by the city
of that name, and fell into the sea in three streams —
the broadest fifteen, the narrowest five stadia across.
They said that Cape Coliacum was the point of land
nearest to India, that four days'^ sail from it was the Sun
8,000,000 houses whicli were covered with tiles." — (Upham, Sacred
Books of Ceylon, p. 222, iii), and this, though some fifty years after
a forest still existed at the gates of Anarajapura (Mahawanso,
p. 203), the authority is of no great weight. I am inclined to
think with Hamilton, that the population of Ceylon was never
greater than at present. — Geog. Desc. of Hindostan, ii, 469.
^ Cosmas, sixth century, places the great mart and harbour in
the south. Of the two kings of the island, he says " 6 ets exc^v rov
vaKivBov, kai ^repos to fxepos ro aWo ev cp can to ffxiropiop Kai 6 Ai/xTjf
fjLcya 5e eaTi Kai rcov (Keiaiv e/xiTopiov, lb. 337. Here Sopater probably
landed. Fa-hian, early part of the fifth century, and Hiouen
Thsang on the other hand, celebrate the capital of the Hyacin-
thine king ; Fa-hian, p. 334, its streets and public buildings and
fine houses ; Hiouen Thsang its viharas and their wonders, ii,
143-4. Marco Polo, thirteenth century, describes the hyacinthine
stone : •* Et si a le roy de ceste isle, un rubis le plus bel et le plus
gros qui soit en monde ; et vous disay comment il est fait. II
est long bien une grant paume, et bien gros tant comme est gros
le bras d'un homme. H est la plus resplendissant chose du monde
^ veoir ; et n'a nulle tache. 1\ est vermeil comme feu." — p. 586,
ed. Pauthier.
7 "Portum contra meridiem appositum oppido Palissemundo,
omnium ibi clarissimo et regiam cc. mille plebis."— Pliny, i, 1, c.
8 Hiouen Thsang relates, that when he first heard of Ceylon, he
heard also that to reach it from India no long sea voyage was ne-
cessary, but then one " pendant laquelle les vents contraires, les
94 THE SECOND INDIAN
Island^ in mid-cliannel, and tliat the sea there was very
green and full of trees/^ the tops of which were often
broken off by the rudders of passing ships. They ad-
mitted that with them the moon was only visible from
the eighth to the sixteenth day ; and while they won-
dered at our Great Bear and Pleiades as constellations
of another heaven, they boasted of their Canopus, a
great and brilliant star. But what of all things most
astonished^^ them was that their shadows fell in the
direction of our and not their hemisphere, and that the
sun with us rose on the left and set on the right hand,
just the contrary of what took place with them. They
calculated that that side of their island which lies
opposite to the south-east coast of India was ten thou-
flots impetueux et Yakshas demons vous exposeraient a mille dan-
gers. II vaut mieux partir de la pointe sud-est de I'lnde meri-
dionale ; de cette maniere on peut y arriver par eaux dans Tespace
de trois jours." — Vie et Ouvrages de Hiouen Thsang, tr. Julien, p.
183. In the time of Ibn Batuta, 1334, between Bakala "on the
coast of Ceylon and the Malabar districts, Coromandel coast, there
is a voyage of one day and one night." — Travels, p. 184.
9 Identified by Tennent with the Island of Delft. — Ceylon, ii,
550; by Vincent with Manaar or Eamana-KoU, Periplus, ii, 492.
1*^ So also Megasthenes describes the Indian seas, " Meyaadepiju
Se rov TU IvSiKa y€ypa<pQTa iaropeiv iv rr) Kara rrjv IuSiktju QaKarrri
Sevdpa ^veaeai."—Fvsig. Hist. Gvudc, ii, p. 413, 1755. The sea in
these parts is described as very green and full of coral, and " on
the purity of the water and on the coral groves which rise in the
clear blue depths," Sir Emerson Tennent {ut supra, p. 555) dwells
with delight.
^1 *' Septentriones.,.miraba7i<Mr...sed maxime mirum iis.. .um-
bras suas in nostrum caelum cadere." This " mirabantur" and
"mirum iis" Windt observes, would lead one to suppose that
Pliny had himself received this information direct from the inter-
preter.— Windt, Ceylon, p. 103.
EMBASSY TO EOME. 95
sand stadia, or about twelve hundred and fifty miles, in
length.^2 xiiey told also of the Seras,^^ who dwelt be-
yond the Montes Emodi, and whom the father of
Eachias had visited, and who would trade with and
show themselves to their people ; they described them
as tall, red-haired,^* blue eyed, rough-voiced, and with
^2 Onesicritus, ov SiopLo-as firiKos oi/Se irXaros, witliout stating" whe-
ther he refers them to its length or breadth, estimates Ceylon,
says Strabo (xv, I, § 15) at five thousand stadia, or six hundred
and twenty-miles. Vincent, however, is of opinion that these five
thousand stadia were intended by Onesicritus as the measure, not
of either the length or breadth of the island, but of its circum-
ference, six hundred and sixty miles, which they not very inaccu-
rately represent. But how then get over the fact that Onesicritus
places Ceylon at twenty days sail from the continent ? besides, we
we have no evidence— I put aside that of Solinus (Polyhist., c. 53)
— that he ever visited it, and he must, therefore, like Eratosthenes,
have derived his knowledge of it from the Hindoos, whose fabulous
accounts of its size obtained so late as the days of Marco Polo
(Vincent, ut supra, p. 499), and spread even to China: "Son
etendue du nord en sud est d' environ two thousand lis," i. e., five
hundred miles.
^3 In his fiftieth chapter Solinus, borrowing from Pliny (vi, 20),
notices the leading customs of the Seres— and as they are the
same as those here given to the Serse, and as the names of the
peoples are similar, he evidently identifies them, for in his chapter
on Taprobane (53) he omits as superfluous all mention of the Serse
and their customs, but shows their neighbourhood to Ceylon by
observing that its inhabitants " cernunt latus Sericum de mon-
tium suorum jugis."
1* Solinus u. s. applies this description to the Sinhalese them-
selves, and attributes the red hair to a dye, " crines fuco imbuunt.*'
I have followed my text and given it to the Serse— thus distinguish-
ing them from the Seres of Pliny, whom, if Chinese, this description
will scarcely suit — for they, the Chinese, call themselves the
'* Blackheads" (Morrison's tr. from the Chinese Official Eeports,
p. 28, note), and of them black hair is so decided a characteristic
that Eemusat somewhere concludes that the Japanese, because
96 THE SECOND INDIAN
no intelligible language. In other respects their ac-
counts tallied with those of our own merchants ; as that,
e,g., in trading with the Serse, the merchant crossed
over to the further bank of one of their rivers, and,
having there laid out his merchandise, retired. The
Seree then came forward, and placed opposite it such
and so much of their goods as they deemed it worth,
and these goods, if the trader was satisfied, he took
away, and the bargain was concluded.^^
In Ceylon gold and silver are prized, marble varie-
gated like the shell of the tortoise and gems and
pearls are much esteemed ; slavery is unknown ;^^ and
their hair is not black but rather of a deep brown blue, must be
of a diflFerent race.
1^ So Joinville (As. Ees., 484, ii) describes the veddah of Ceylon:
"When he wants an iron tool or a lance... he places in the night
before the door of a smith some money or game, together with a
model of what he requires. In a day or two he returns and finds
the instrument he has demanded.'* See also Knox, Hist. Relations,
pt. II, c. i, p. 123 ; Eibeyro, quoted by Tennent, ii, p. 593 ; and
Tennent's Ceylon, ii, p. 437, where the subject is exhausted.
Matouanlin, ut supra, p. 42, ascribes this mode of barter to the
demons, the primaeval inhabitants of Ceylon : " lis ne laissaient
pas voir leurs corps, et montraient au moyen de pierres precieuses
le prix que pouvaient valoir les marchandises," and borrows its
account probably from Fa-hian, who writes : " Quand le tems de
ce commerce etait venu, les genies et les demons ne paraissaient
pas, mais ils mettaient en avant des choses precieuses," p. 332.
Similar modes of barter, as prevailing on the Libyan shore, are
described by Herodotus, 1. iv, c. 196 j in Sasus on the African
coast, by Indicopleustes, ut supra, p. 139 ; and in the interior of
Africa in the present day, by Speke (Adventures among the
Somali, June or July number of Blackwood, 1860).
16 So Arrian, of India, c. x : " Eti'at 5e Kai rode fxeya (v tt? Ivduv 7-77,
Travras IvZovs eivai €\iv6epov9, ovde riva 5ov\oy eivai lv5ov...AaKi8aifioviois
EMBASSY TO HOME. 97
no man sleeps either after daybreak or during the day.^^
The houses are low ; ^^ the price of corn never varies ;^^
and there are neither courts of law nor law- suits. Her-
cules is the patron god of the island. The government
is an elective monarchy, and the king is chosen by the
people for his age and clemency, but he must be child-
less ; and should a child be born to him after his elec-
tion he is obliged to abdicate, lest the crown should
become hereditary.^^ He is assisted by a council of
thirty also chosen by popular suffrage, which, but only
by the vote of an absolute majority, has the power of
death ; against its sentence however there is an appeal
to the people, who then appoint seventy judges specially
to try the case. If these set aside the judgment of the
council its members are for ever deprived of their rank
and publicly disgraced. For his faults the king may be
fi€P ye oi 'EXoDTes SouXoi €iaiP...li^doiai 5e owSe aWos dovKos €«TTt, ^17x0176
IvSwV TIS.
1' Not probable. See Tennent's description of mid-day, ii, pp.
255-6.
18 So ^lian, evidently from Eratosthenes, says the houses are
of wood and reeds, areyas de exovaiv ck ^vXcou 8e 'triiroirjfiivas tjStj Se
Kai BovaKwv. — De Nat. Animal., L. xvi, c. xvii.
19 "Depuis I'origine de ce royaume," says Fa-bian, *'il n'y a
jamais eu de famine, de disette, de calamites, ni de troubles." —
Foe-koue-ke, p. 334 ; Hiouen Tbsang similarly speaks of its abun-
dant harvests, ii, p. 125.
20 Stronger in Solinus, ut supra, " In regis electione non nobi-
litas prsevalet sed suffragium universorum," and afterwards, in
reference to his having children, " etiam si rex maximam praeferat
sequitatem nolunt se tantum licere." There is, however, in the
Appendix to Taylor's Oriental MSS., p. 47, a long list of Sinhalese
kings, though belonging to a later age, who all seem to have died
childless.
98 THE SECOND INDIAN
punished and with death. All avoid him and converse
with him, and thus though no man kills him he dies of
inanition. The king wears a robe much like that given
to Bacchus ; the people dress Arab fashion. They are
industrious cultivators of the soil, and have all fruits in
abundance, except grapes. They spend their festal days
in the chase, and prefer that of the elephant and tiger.^^
They take great pleasure in fishing, especially for turtle,
which are so large that the shell of one is a house for a
family.^^ They count a hundred years as but a mode-
rate life for a man. Thus much has been learned and
ascertained concerning Taprobane.
To fix the precise date of this embassy is impossible.
But because it was an embassy accredited and pre-
sented to Claudius, it must have taken place during his
reign, i.e. some time between a.d. 41 and 54. And
^^ iElian speaks of the size of the Sinhalese elephants, and how
they are hunted by the people of the interior, and are transported
to the continent in big ships and are sold to the king of Calinga,
ut supra, c. cxviii. Tigers were however unknown in Ceylon,
though Knox says, " there was a black tygre catched and brought
to the king.. .there being no more either before or since heard of
in that land," I. c. vi, p. 40; Ptolemy, VII §, gives tigers to
Ceylon; Lassen, Ind. Alterthumskunde, thinks leopards were
meant, I., p. 198, note 1 ; see also Hist, of Ceylon by Philalethes,
c. xliii; and Ellis, of the leopards in Africa, "which are called
tigers," Madagascar, p. 223.
22 JElian, ut supra, c. xvii, tells of these enormous turtles, how
that the shell is fifteen cubits and makes a roof which quite keeps
off the sun's heat and the rain's wet, and is better than any tile.
Let me add, that among other sea monsters which according to
the same authority frequent the Sinhalese coast we find the ori-
ginal mermaid, but without her beautiful hair, Kai ywaiKcov o\l/iv
eyovaiv, aiairtp avri TrXoKafiuv aKavdat irpoarjpTTjPTai, 1. xvi, c. xviii,
§30.
EMBASSY TO ROME. 99
because it is not mentioned, nor in any way alluded to,
by Pomponius Mela, we conclude that it reached Eome
subsequently to the publication of his Geography,
which appeared certainly after a.d. 43, and probably
before a.d. 47.^^ And moreover because it is unrecorded
by any political writer, because it is in fact known to
us only from this account of Pliny^* and his copyist
Solinus (a.d. 400), we presume that it reached Eome
when other and more interesting events, Messalina's
violent death or the daring intrigues of Agrippina,
engTOSsed men's minds, during the latter and more
troubled years of Claudius' life ; and that it left Ceylon
in the reign of Chandra Muka Siwa^^ who according to
the Mahawanso ascended the throne a.d. 44 and died
A.D. 52.
The Eoman galley was carried into Hippuros. Hip-
puros has been identified with the Ophir of Solomon,
and is in fact, according to Bochart,^^ Ophir disguised
^ After 43 a.d., because he notices the triumph of Claudius for
his expedition to Britain : " Quippe tamdiu clausam (Britanniam)
aperit, ecce principum maximus...qui propriarum rerum fidem ut
bello affectavit, ita triumpho declaraturus portat." — Geog., Ill,
vi, § 35. And before 47 a.d., because he nowhere alludes to the
great discovery of Hippalus.
24 It is not impossible that Pliny may have derived his informa-
tion directly from the ambassadors, as he returned to Eome from
Germany, a.d. 52.— Smith, Greek and Eoman Biographical Diet.,
art. Pliny.
25 Vide Mahawanso's List of Kings in the Appendix, Ixii; and
Tennent's Ceylon, i, p. 321.
26 Geographia Sacra, Phaleg lib. II, c. xxvii j and Chanaan, lib.
I, c. xlvi, p. 691, though indeed he believes in two Ophirs, this
one and another in Arabia.
100 THE SECOND INDIAN
by the pronunciation of uneducated Greek sailors.
And if Hippuros be Ophir, Galle may very well be
Tarshisb, as Sir Emerson Tennent seems inclined to
believe.-'' But as Ophir and Tarshish are intimately
associated with the trade in gold and silver ;^ and as
gold and silver can scarcely be said to be products of
Ceylon,^^ it follows that Ophir and Tarshish, if Sinha-
lese ports, must have been ports carrying on a great
trade not only with Phoenicia, but with other and gold-
producing or gold-exporting countries, and a trade of a
magnitude and a character which presupposes a certain,
and even considerable, civilisation. But, according to
the Sinhalese books, it was not until the conquest of
Wijayo,^^ B.C. 543, some four hundred years after
^ Ceylon, Preface to 3rd edit., pp. xx, xxi, and p. 102, II, and
also note 1, p. 554, v. I.
28 <' And king Solomon made a navy of ships in Ezion-geber" (1
Kings, ix, 26). "And he (Jehoshaphat) joined himself with him
(Ahaziah) to make ships to go to Tarshish" ^^2 Chron. xx, 38).
" For the king had at sea a navy of Tarshish... once in three years
came the navy of Tarshish bringing gold and silver, ivory, apes,
and peacocks" (1 Kings, x, 22). From these passages it would
seem as if Tarshish were a great mart, all the commerce of which
was carried on by the ships of those nations who traded with it.
But as Psalm xl, written subsequently to David's time (v. 9),
gives ships also to Tarshish : " Thou breakest the ships of Tar-
shish with an east wind," and Ezekiel, B.C. 588, " the ships of
Tarshish did sing of thee in thy markets" (xxvii, 25), it seems
that with its great trade it did in the course of years itself possess
them, unless indeed ships of Tarshish mean great ships merely.
29 "Gold is found in minute particles but the quantity has
been too trivial to reward the search its occurrence as well
as that of silver and copper is recorded in the Mahawanso as a
aairaculous manifestation." — Tennent, Ceylon, p. 29, I, v.
*^ " 'this prince, named Wijayo, who had then attained the
EMBASSY TO EOME. 101
the building of Solomon's temple and about forty years
after Ezekiel had celebrated the fleets of Tarshish, that
Ceylon was opened to the influence of civilisation. Before
that time its inhabitants were, as their descendants the
Veddahs still are/^ a barbarous and unimprovable race,
to whom all commerce was hateful, and who were not
likely therefore to have founded Ophir and Tarshish.
But may not Ophir and Tarshish though Sinhalese
IDorts have been founded and colonised by some other
people ? But what people ? That the people were not
Phoenicians the terms in which our Scripture speaks of
them sufficiently indicate ; and that they -cdilid; not*
have been either northern Hindus or Tamils we con-
clude, in the one case from the otherwise, iuo'tpiicsibje
silence of the Mahawanso, and in the other from its
account of the Tamil invasions and their results.^^ But
what is it that we do know of Ophir and Tarshish ?
Of Ophir, that it exported largely, and raw produce
only, gold and precious woods and stones ; of Tarshish
that the fleets which traded with it from the West
sailed from a port in the Eed Sea, that the voyage out
and home took up three years, and that the return
cargoes were of gold and silver, ivory, apes and pea-
cocks. It seems moreover that ivory, apes and peacocks
are indigenous to India and that the words used in
wisdom of experience, landed in the division Tambapanni, of this
land Lanka, on the day that the successors of former Buddhas
reclined in the arbor of the two delightful sal-trees to attain nib-
banam." — b.c. 543, A. B. I, Mahawanso, p. 47, Tumour's tr.
31 Tennent's Ceylon. On the Veddahs, p. 437, II, v.
82 Vide Tennent, Ceylon. On the Sinhalese Chronicles, pp.
397, 413, I. V.
102 THE SECOND INDIAN
Hebrew to designate tliem are not Hebrew but Tamil
words.^^ But in the great mart of Tarshish where mer-
chants from the east and west were wont to congregate,
what more natural than that there the productions
peculiar to any country should retain their natural
name, which they as naturally carried away with them
to their new habitat? And we conclude that these
Tamil words point to a trade between Tarshish and
Southern India and induce us to look to Southern
India for Ophir, but do not help us to identify Tarshish.
Hippuros : Lassen identifies it with the headland at
tiie' soijithern extremity of the Arippo-aar, called Kudra-
jaiale/^ tlie Horse-mount, of which Hippuros is but the
G&^^ek: ec^uivalent.^^ Simple and natural as this identifi-
cation is, I should have preferred one based on phonetic
grounds. For among the towns on the Malabar coast I
find that Ptolemy ^^ places a Hippocura. I observe
also that some few divine or descriptive names^^ ex-
*3 Id., II, 102. Sandal wood. Almug trees, Sans, moclia, with
Arab. art. al. Peacocks, Heb. Tukeyim, Malabar, Togei. Ape,
Heb. Koph: Sans, and Malabar, Kapi: Greek, Ktjtto? and Ktj/Sos:
(Gesenius, Opbir, Ersch und Gruber, Ency.) Assyrian, Gupi, Lenor-
mant, Zeitscbrift f. JEgypt. Sprache, p. 24.
34 The name, as accounted for in a Hindu Hist, of Ceylon, trans-
lated in the 24th vol. of the Asiatic Journal, seems to be not a
descriptive but a mythic name. " A certain chitty setting out for
the purpose of pearl fishing drifted near a mountain, which he
called Coodiremale," p. 53, in honour probably of the horse-faced
princess (mentioned ih., p. 16) who, bathing in one of the wells
there, lost her horse face.
35 Lassen's Indische Alterthumskunde, iii, p. 217; and his de
Taprobane Insula Veteribus cognita, p. 22.
^ Geographia, lib. vii, c. i, p. 168.
37 Thus Indra becomes Zeus, Siva Dionysos, Lassen, ib., iii, p.
219. And {ib., p. 6) where he enumerates the towns and harbours
on the coast, and observes on the Greek names by which they
EMBASSY TO ROME. 1U3
cepted, Greek traders did not translate but merely
adapted the native names to tlieir own pronunciation
and idiom. And I am not a little surprised that this
freedman who so correctly renders the compound
Kudramale should according to Lassen's own showing
seem quite unaware that Kachias, a simple word and in
common use, is not a name but a title and one borne
by the members of the royal family.^^ But whether
Kudramale or some other port, Hippuros was probably
situated in the north of Ceylon ; because to the north
of Ceylon a vessel cruising off the Persian gulf and
caught in a northerly gale and driven southward till it
fell in with the spring or south-west monsoon would
by the winds and currents be naturally driven.
" Taprobane," Sanscrit " Tamraparni," Pali " Tamba-
panni,"^^ the red leaf. Thus Wijayo the first Hindu
were known, as Naustathmos, Byzantion, Triglyphon, he adduces
but one Theophila— now Surdhaur, Sans. Suradara, i. e., God-
worshipping— which is possibly the Greek translation of a Hindu
name. Of descriptive names we have the Panjaub " Pentapotamoi,"
Tadmor " Palmyra," etc.
38 " Da dieser Name am passendsten durch Eagan konig erklart
wird, und dieses Wort auch fiir Manner aus dem koniglichen
Geschlichte gebraucht werden kann, so gehorte Eachias wohl zur
familie des konigs und wir erfahren somit nicht seinen Eigenna-
men," ib., iii, p. 61. See, however, Tennent, Ceylon, vol. i, p.
556, note 2, who suggests that " Eachias" may be " Eackha," a
Lame of some renown in Sinhalese annals.
^ Lassen de Taprobane, pp. 6, 8 ; but from " Tamra," red, and
" pan'i," a hand, according to the Mahawanso, a derivation which
Lassen rejects as un grammatical, but which the Mahawanso, p.
50, confirms, by telling that when Wijayo and his men "had landed,
supporting themselves on the palms of their hands pressed on the
ground, they sat down. Hence to thera the name Tambapannyo,
copper-palmed," and to the wilderness the name of Tambapanni,
and afterwards to the country.
104 THE SECOND INDIAN
settler called that part of Ceylon where he landed, and
the city which he afterwards built. This name in the
course of time was applied to the whole island ; and as it
is the only name known to the companions of Alexander,
and is the name by which Ceylon is designated in the
inscriptions of Asoka,*^ it must early have supplanted
even among the Hindus the old mythological one of
Lanka. Subsequently, when our ambassadors lived
and when the Periplus was written, it seems to have
become obsolete, and to have been superseded by that,
of Palaesimundus or rather Palaesimoundou*^ which
itself yielded to Salike, Serendiva/^ — the Serendib of
40 Lassen de Tap., p. 9, and Wilson's tr. of tlie Kapur di Giri
Inscription (p. 169, XII, J. Eoy. As. Soc), with his observations, p.
167, on the identification of Tamrapani.
4^ Els irehayos e/c/fejTai irpos avTTji^ ttjv Zvariv vr\(ros XcyofXivri UaXaicri-
fiovvdov ttapa Se rots apxaiois avTwv TairpoBavT] {Scrip. Mar. Eryth., c.61,
p. 301, 1, V, Geog. Grsec. Minores, ed. Miiller), perhaps so called after
the best known capital ; for Marsden observes that by a mistake
not unusual, the name of a principal town is sometimes substituted
for that of the country.
4^ Ptolemy, A.d. 160, Tairpo^apri 7]ris eKoXetro TroAoi SiMowSoy, vvv Se
^a\iK7j. Kai oi KarexoPTes avry\v koivoos ^a\ai. — Geog., 1, VII, C. iv. But
Marcianus, early part of the fifth century, who borrowed largely
from Ptolemy, thus : Tairpo^avrj vricros irporepov fxev €KaXeiro TlaXaicri-
fiovvSov vvv Se 2aAt/fj]. — Perip. Maris Ext., I, c. 35. Ammianus
Marcellinus, a.d. 361, on Julian's accession : " Legationes undique
concurrebant, nationibus Indicis certatim cum donis optimates
mittentibus...abusque Divis et Serendivis, xxii, L, c. 7. §. 10.
Sopater, in Cosmos Indicopleustes, who visited the island about
A.D. 500 : 'H vrjaros, 7] fieyahr) rrapa juej/ IvSois Ka\ovfi€V7j iBieXeSifia, vapa
Se 'E\\7]ai Tairpo^avn. — Montfaucon, Nov. Coll. Patrum, i, p. 366.
The Relations Arabes, Eeinaud, ninth century : " La demi^re de
ces lies est Serendyb...c'est la principale de toutes," I, v, p. 6.
This Salike is formed, according to Lassen (de Tap., p. 16), from
Sihala, the Pali form of Sinhala, the home of lions, with sometimes
EMBASSY TO ROME. 105
the Arabs — S^elediba, which are "but various forms of
the Pali Sihala, with the addition in some cases of
" dipa" or " diba/' an islaiid}^
Palisaemundus, the capital of the island, and which
probably gave the island its name, is described as a sea-
port situated in the south, and on a river of the same
name which communicated with the sea by three mouths.
This Palissemundus Vossius identifies with Galle,*^
Lassen, and he is followed by Tennent in his map ac-
cording to Pliny and Ptolemy, with Anarajapura.^^
But Anarajapura, though seated on the banks of a river
of some magnitude and a capital and a great city which
must have been known to and could scarcely have been
left unnoticed by our ambassadors, is an inland town^^
the addition of " dipa" or " diba," an island. By the Chinese,
Ceylon is called the kingdom of lions. For the connection of
Salike with Sihala, see Bournouf, la Geogr. ancienne de Ceylan,
N. J. Asiatique for 1857, xv, pp. 104-7.
43 Immediately after it has told of the origin of the name Tam-
rapanni, the Mahawanso goes on to say that the descendants of
Sihabu were called Sihala (lion slayers), and that this Lanka
having been conquered by a Sihalo obtained the name of Sihala,
p. 80, Tumour tr. And the Bhanavara embodies in the following
verses several of the names of Ceylon.
Oja-dipo, Vara-dipo, Manda-dipo, cha tada* ahu,*
Lanka-dipo cha pannati Tambapanniti n'ayeti.
D'Alwis's Descriptive Catalogue, p. 138.
^ "Portus Insulse...esse ad meridiem. Quis dubitet quin iste
sit quem Galle vulgo nominant." — Vossius, Observationes ad Pom»«
ponium Melam, p. 572.
■15 De Taprobane, etc., p. 13.
*^ It is the chief of the inland towns, the TroAeu fieaoyeioi of
Ptolemy, and by him designated as PaaiAciov, the royal residence,
while Maagrammon is the metropolis, ut supra. Of Anarajapura,
see also a description in Knox's Hist. Kelation, p. 11.
106 THE SECOND INDIAN
and not even a river port, and is besides in tlie north-
ern and not the southern half of the island. It answers,
then, in no way to the description of Palissemundus ;
Galle, on the other hand, has a fine harbour, and is in
the southern extremity of the island, and is, says Ten-
nent, " by far the most venerable emporium of foreign
trade now existing in the universe," but then it is
without a river, and we have no evidence that it was
ever a royal city.
Of the name Palissemundus or Palisaemoundou we
may observe :
I. That only in the Natural History of Pliny and the
so-called Periplus of Arrian is it an actual living name.
Some century later it is noticed by Ptolemy, but as a
name which the island had once borne, and which had
fallen into disuse.
II. That though it was communicated to Pliny by our
ambassadors, themselves Sinhalese, and though it is
given by the author of the Periplus, a Grseco-Egyptian
merchant, as the name by which Ceylon was known in
those Hindu, and perhaps Arab, ports where he traded ;
yet is it a name which we are unable to connect in any
way with the inhabitants or language of the island, and
of all the island names, the one of which neither Hindu
nor Sinhalese Histories, so far as yet ascertained, have
preserved the memory.
III. That as it has no signification in Greek or Latin,
it is probably a native or Hindu name adapted to a
western pronunciation. Indeed, though not very suc-
cessfully, it has been explained by or identified with
certain eastern words or names by several scholars, be-
EMBASSY TO ROME. 107
ginning with Yossius,*^ and in our own time by Burnonf,
Lassen, and Windt, and with seemingly no better success
than their predecessors. First, Windt,*^ bearing in
mind the legend of the Eamayana, wide -spread in the
east, traces it to the seafolk of Limarike, and finds in
PaMci-mund its original — Palaci, Gnome, Mund, capital
— Gnomes-capital, a name of reproach, and not likely,
therefore, to find a place in the Sinhalese annals.
How is it, then, that we know the name not merely
through the seafaring author of the Periplus, but through
Pliny*^ also, here the mouthpiece of Sinhalese ambassa-
dors, men, as their statements show, no way likely to
depreciate their country ? Secondly, Lassen,^^ occupied
with the splendours and glories of Sinhalese Buddhism,
the learning, power, and mighty works of its priests and
kings, identifies Palsesimoundou with Pali-simanta, the
head of the Holy Law, a religious title which might
have been conferred on or assumed by any Buddhist
city. But then how account for the fact that this city's
chroniclers — for the city is Anarajapura according to
Lassen — who must have rejoiced in, did not perpetuate,
this appellation so honourable to themselves and their
country, do not even seem aware of it ? But putting aside
*"'' Vossius in Pomp. Melam, ed. Gronovii, p. 569, 1854.
^8 Windt, Insel Ceylon, p. 96. published 1854.
•*^ Pliny, and the author of the Periplus— somewhat later, see
the accounts of Hippalus, § 57 — I regard as nearly cotemporaries,
both for the reasons adduced by Vincent, Ant. Com., II, and
Miiller's Prolegomena to the Periplus ; and I think the very fact
that they are the only writers who know of Palissemundus as a
living name — obsolete in Ptolemy's time (a. d. 170), is an evidence
that Dodwell's date is erroneous.
^ De Taprobane Insula, p. 15.
lOB THE SECOND INDIAN
all general objections, Professor Goldstiicker objects to
Lassen's PaZ^'simanta, because the " Pali'' does not in
sound fairly represent the liaKai, and because the sense
lent to it is contrary to everything known of Pali and
Sanscrit names. And thirdly, Burnouf, in an admirable
essay on the ancient geography of Ceylon, suggests from
the Sinhalese, Palal-sumana-diva, the island of the vast
mountain Sumana, as phonetically not ill-representing
Palis^emundus, but as he cannot find such a name
given to the island by any native historian, he suggests
but to reject it.
But if Palisaemundus be Galle or any other town on
the south coast, is there not hope that we may still
possibly come upon some indication of the name ? The
only chronicles of Ceylon that we have at hand are those
of the northern kingdom, composed in the monasteries,
and by the priests, of Anarajapura. But of Galle we know
next to nothing. The very kingdom of which we pre-
sume it the capital, Eohuna, almost independent, is
itself very seldom noticed in the Mahawanso, and then
briefly and only when the necessities of the northern king
drove him there for protection or assistance. And yet
the country " from GaUe to Hambangtotte, colonised at
an early period by the followers of Wijayo and their
descendants, had", says Sir E. Tennent, " neither inter-
course nor commixture with the Malabars. Their tem-
ples were asylums for the studious ; and to the present
^1 Burnouf, u. s., 96. For the various names given to Ceylon,
and the explanations variously given to them, see Vincent, u. s.,
II, pp. 413-4; and more fully and for all that has been guessed
about Palissemundus.— Burnouf, u. s., p. 87.
EMBASSY TO KOME. 109
day some of the priests of Matura and Mulgirigalle are
accomplished scholars in Sanscrit and Pali, and possess
rich collections of Buddhist manuscripts and books".^^
From these manuscripts and books then, some native
local chronicle, hitherto inaccessible, but beginning to
attract the attention of European scholars,^^ we are not
without hope to learn the Sinhalese name, of which
Palisoemundus was the Eoman echo.^"^
But, as in the second century after Christ and for a
short time, the island was known as Palissemundus, so
three centuries before Christ its inhabitants, according
to Megasthenes, were called Palseogonoi.^^ Por this
name Lassen accounts by supposing that Megasthenes
was acquainted with the Eamayana^^ which peoples
Ceylon with Eakshasas, giants, the sons of the progeni-
tors of the world, " gigantes progenitorum mundi filii",
and Nagas, demon snakes, monsters whom he not in-
aptly designates as Palseogonoi. But surely Megasthenes,
by his " incolasque Palseogonos appellari", does not pre-
52 Ceylon, ii, p. 112.
53 As we may gather from the Descriptive Catalogue of the
able Secretary of the Ceylon Asiatic Society, Mr. D'Alwis.
^ Mr. J. H. Nelson has made inquiries for me at the College of
Madura and elsewhere, but the name Palissemundus is unknown
in the Tamil country. He and Mr. Burnall have suggested
several explanations of it, and it seems explicable in so many ways,
each with as many reasons against as for it, that we may fairly
put it down as inexplicable as the laugh of Gelimer, or the mishap
of Welpho.
55 " Megasthenes jflumine dividi, incolasque Palseogonos appel-
lari."— Pliny, ut sup.
56 " Ees ita videtur posse expediri, ut dicamus, notum fuisse Me-
gastheni fabulam Indorum, qua primi insula) incolse Eaxasse sive
Gigantes progenitorum mundi filii fuisse traduntur." — ib, p. 9.
110 THE SECOND INDIAN
tend to describe the inhabitants oj the island, but merely
to give the name by which they were known, and to
give it because it was other than the name of their
country. And if he had wished to describe them,
would he have chosen a name unknown to the Greek
mythology, and which could have conveyed to the
Greek mind no clear and definite conception, and this,
when there were Titans and giants at hand to whom he
might so obviously have likened them ? For these and
other such reasons Schwanbeck objecting to the ex-
planation of Lassen, contends that we must look
to some mispronounced native word for the original
of this Palseogonoi, and he finds it in the Sanscrit
*' Palig'anas", men of the sacred doctriney^ But as this is
an appellation which could scarcely have been given to
others than earnest and learned votaries of Buddha, it
is surely not applicable to a people who were not even
Buddhist till the reign of Asoka,^^ the son and succes-
sor of that Chandragupta, in attendance on whom Me-
gasthenes gained his knowledge of India. ^^
67 Yidi^e Schwanbeck, on this passage from Megasthenes preserved
by Pliny, Frag. Hist. Grsec, 412, II.
^ Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, ii, 245.
59 " Notat '^^ili ab origine limitem, terminum, finem, atque
amplificato apud Buddhistas sensu, regulam doctrinse sacrae, con-
textum traditionum legumque." — Lassen, de Tap., p. 15. But
Professor Goldstiicker, in a letter to me, Nov. 12tli, 1871, assures
me that pali has not the signification assigned to it by Lassen ;
and that g'anas means not a people but a series, and he adds that
the nearest approach he can find to Palseogonoi is '^are on the other
side the river, and Janas a people ; Parejanas a people on the
other side the river. It seems to me that the origin of Palseogonoi,
as of Palis8Bmundus, is as yet unexplained.
EMBASSY TO KOME. Ill
Our ambassadors describe the situation of tlie island,
and the sea which separates it from the continent, and
give some idea of its size, population and fertility and
general features. And we cannot but observe that their
statements are rarely correct, but rather confirm and
even exaggerate the extravagant views then current and
which the Greeks had borrowed from the Hindus. They
reduce its distance from India about 70 miles, from a
twenty to a four days' sail, but increase its length,
really of 270 miles, from the 7,000 stadia of Erato-
sthenes^ to 10,000 stadia or 1,250 miles. They speak
of it as a parallelogram lying with its longest side oppo-
site to the Indian coast, which itself they seem to sup-
pose extended in a line almost parallel to the equator.
The villages of Eratosthenes, though they reduce the
number from 7,000 to 5,000, they magnify into towns,
and to the capital®^ they give 200,000 inhabitants. They
tell moreover of a great lake — Ceylon has no lakes^^—
the Megisba,^ almost an inland sea, and the source of
^ " Eratosthenes et mensuram prodidit, lon^tudinis vii M stad.,
latitudinis v M, nee urbes esse, sed vices septingentos." — Pliny,
ut supra.
^ Literally it is the palace that has this number of inhabitants.
*• Ac regiam cc mill, plebis," but the text is supposed corrupt, and
I take the more probable sense of the passage.
62 if Nullum in ea stagnum", says Vossius, " insignis magnitu-
dinis nedum aliquod cujus ambitus habet ccclxxv pass, mill." Ad
Pomponium Melam, p. 572.
63 Megisba. Maha-vapi, e.g., great tank, identified as the Ea-
lawewa tank by Lassen, iii, p. 218, and which he describes as it
was after it had been enlarged by Dhatusera, a.d. 459, vide Maha-
wanso, p. 206, and note to p. II, Index, and not as it was in the
time of Pliny.
112 THE SECOXB INDIAN"
two rivers, wliicli, as tliey take the one a northerly and
the other a southerly course, necessarily divide the island
into two sections and thus occupy the place of the great
river commemorated by Megasthenes and identified as
the MahaweUi Ganga. Of its fauna they enumerate its
elephants, prized and celebrated in the days of Alexan-
der,^* and the tiger now unknown, and not known ever
to have belonged, to Ceylon, but which may be, Lassen
thinks, the leopard. Its people they describe as a nation
of freemen, wealthy and peaceable, industrious and long-
lived, much as the Greeks were wont to describe the
Hindus.
In their accounts of the celestial phenomena, with
observations which at first startle us, but which on
examination prove to be well-founded, we find others
not only inaccurate but inexplicable. Thus they asserted
that they saw the Pleiades and the Great Bear for the
first time, and yet the former is always, and the latter
is at most seasons, visible in their heaven. They told
too of a moon which showed itself only in its second
quarter, though in Ceylon the moon shines and has ever
shone just as it shines everywhere. But their surprise
that in Europe their shadows fell north, and that the
sun rose on the left,^^ the contrary of what took place
with them, was natural. For with the Hindus, accord-
ed " Majores, bellicosiores" according to Onesicritus, Pliny I.e.
But Hamilton describes them as not so tall as those of Pegu ; but
in their hardness and strength, added to their docility and free-
dom from vice and passion, is their superiority. — Hist. Descrip. of
Hindustan, ii, p. 491, 4to.
65 Lassen, Ind. Alterthumsk., iii, p. 216 ; but compare Vincent,
Commerce of the Antients, ii, p. 492.
EMBASSY TO EOME. 113
ing to Wilford (Asiatic Ees., x, 157}, north and left,
south and right, are identical; and Sir Emerson Tennent
explains their remark, " by the fact of the sun passing
overhead in Ceylon in his transit to the northern sol-
stice, instead of hanging about the south as in Italy
after acquiring some elevation in the horizon. "^^
They spoke of the laws and constitution of their
island. They told of an elected and responsible monarch,
who to be eligible must be, and as king must remain,
childless, and whose authority was limited and con-
trolled by an elected council, which was itself account-
able to the great body of the people. Now I presume
that our ambassadors w^ere the real representatives of
a real sovereign. But in a strange land when men are
called upon to give some account of their native country
unknown there, though I can very well understand
that they should exaggerate its wealth and power and
beauty, and hurry over or suppress its natural and
political disadvantages, I believe that in the main their
statements will be founded on fact, and that the picture
they draw however highly coloured will in its more
prominent features bear some resemblance to its original.
Further, if either in their enthusiasm or in their desire
to conciliate admiration they venture on pure fiction, I
conceive that they will necessarily shape their discourse
in the one case to their own ideal, in the other to that
of their auditors. But of Ceylon, the Ceylon of the
Mahaw^anso, where the king and the priests in turn
were absolute, and the crown without any strict law of
^ Ceylon, i, p. 558.
114 THE SECOND INDIAN
succession was hereditary, and tlioiigli often forced out
of the direct line always confined to one family, it is
surely altogether improbable that any native, the am-
bassador of such a king, should boast of a constitutional
monarchy. And at Eome and on their way thither who
were the companions of our Sinhalese ? During their
long voyage they associated on terms of intimacy with
the freedman of Plocamus and his crew ; they feasted
probably with the merchant Greeks of Alexandria;
and at Kome they were received and welcomed by the
courtiers and freedmen of Claudius. And in this
degraded society of this degraded age, where could
they have heard even a whisper of liberty, and where
have acquired for themselves the idea, and for their
country the honour of a responsible sovereign ?
How then account for these statements ? From the
Mahawanso we learn : first, that in the third century
B.C. Ceylon was twice invaded^^ by bands of Tamil
■ adventurers, whose chiefs on each occasion after a vic-
torious war put to death the native king, and in his
place ruled over the northern districts of the island, the
first time for twenty-two, the second for forty-four,
years. Secondly, that at the close of the second century
B.C., seven adventurers of the same nation landed with
a great army at Mahattotthe, marched upon Anarajapura,
fought and defeated the king, drove him into the Malaya,
and for fourteen years held possession of his capital.
And thirdly, that about 50 B.C. Tamils were settled in
67 Vide Mahawanso, p. 127, for the first invasion, b.c. 257 ; for
ihe second, p. 128, b.c. 207; and for the third, p. 203, b.c. 103.
EMBASSY TO EOME. 115
the country, and that a Tamil became the favourite of,
and was raised to the throne by, the Queen Anula.^ So
far the native chronicles. From a Hindu history of
Ceylon, of which there is a translation in the Asiatic
Journal,^^ we learn that from an early period the north-
ern extremity of Ceylon was occupied by Tamils ; that
in the year 3300 of the Kali age a daughter of Pandian
attended by sixty bands of Wannies proceeded to Cey-
lon and was married to its king, and that at his desire
her companions went northward and settled at Yaul-
panam now Jaffnapatam, and that subsequently other
emigrants from the same part of the continent settled
68 "Anula then forming an attachment for a Damillo, named
Watuko...who had formerly been a carpenter in the town." — lb.,
p. 209.
69 Vide vol. xxiv, pp. 53, 153. ** This happened three thousand
three hundred years in the Kali age.".. .And as "in the year 5173
of the age Kali, the king Sangalee making war with the Portu-
guese will perish"... and the Portuguese will rule "till the year
5213, after which the Dutch... will govern the kingdom until the
year 5795, when on the 6th June the English will come and
govern" (p. 155), we are enabled to ascertain the date of the
arrival of the princess. For Kajah Singha was finally defeated,
and died of his wounds in a.d. 1592, and as from a.k. 3300 to
A.K. 5173, there have elapsed 1873 years, it follows that the
princess arrived in Ceylon b.c. 281 (the only daughter of Pandya
who came to Ceylon, according to the Mahawanso, came the year
after Buddha's death, a.d. 543), or some thirty years before the
first Tamil invasion. Again, from a.k. 5173 to a.k. 5213, we have
an interval of forty years, but, as in fact the Dutch had a fort in
Cottiar in 1612, or twenty years after the death of Singha, though
they were not finally masters of the island to the exclusion of the
Portuguese till a.d. 1658, or sixty-six years after that event, we
must take forty years as an average. The date given to the Eng-
lish rule is inexplicable, unless as a mistake 5795 a.k. is put for
1795 A.j).—8ee also Tennent, II, p. 38.
116 THE SECOND INDIAN"
in and occupied the north of the island as far as the
Wanny. These Tamils, Sir Emerson Tennent states,
were ruled by a dynasty of Eajahs who held their court
at Nalloor ; and he adds that he considers it " possible
that Eachias who arrived at Eome in the reign of
Claudius may have represented not the Sinhalese mon-
arch, but the Eajah of Jaffna."^^ A moment admit that
he did, and how would this affect or account for the
statements attributed to him ? The Tamils were southern
Hindus, and as the great temple on the island of
Eamiseram indicates, worshippers of Eama, whom Greeks
and Eomans would probably identify with Hercules.
They colonised and were strictly confined to the northern
extremity of the island, and up to the time of our
embassy they never seem as a nation to have pene-
trated beyond the Malaya or to have formed any per-
manent settlement on the southern bank of the Cydara.
Our ambassadors then had probably no opportunities of
making themselves acquainted with the real size of
Ceylon, and they would eagerly accept the gigantic
proportions assigned to it by their own Hindu tradition.
They would also be ignorant to some extent of the
political institutions of the Sinhalese, but scarcely to
the extent shown in the narrative of Pliny ; and we ask
therefore whether this elective and limited monarchy
might not have been their own ? On their government
and political institutions the Mahawanso gives no in-
formation. If we study the people themselves, even at
this day we find them distinguishable from the Sinhal-
70 Ceylon, II, p. 539, note 2.
EMBASSY TO EOME. 117
ese by qualities which we are accustomed to look upon
as the characteristics of a free people, or at least of a
people living under known laws. They are industrious,
persevering, intelligent, orderly, provident, and have a
keen sense of the rights and advantages of property. In
their country you meet with no stupendous ruins of
palaces or dagobas or artificial lakes, to attest the selfish
magnificence and sometimes the far-seeing wisdom of
an absolute sovereign. There the villages and cottages
are neat and clean, and the gardens and fields enclosed
by carefully made and well-trimmed fences ; there to
ensure the irrigation and fertility of the land each
village built out in the open has its tank, each farm-
house its well, the work of its owner^s hands or his
predecessor's; there you everywhere meet with some-
thing that tells of municipal care or individual exertion,
but with nothing that is the work of an imperial will
aided by imperial resources.^^
Again the Pandyan chronicles, though they tell of
Sera and Sora wars and their results, contain no notice
of any Tamil settlements in Ceylon. And of the three
Tamil invasions of Ceylon which had occurred previous
to our embassy, and which are recorded by the Maha-
wanso, we find that the first and third were under the
leadership the one of two, the other of seven, chief-
tains. We learn further that of the seven chiefs who
conducted this last expedition, two after the capture of
Anarajapura re-embarked with their booty for their
own country; that of the remaining five one was
'^ Tennent's Ceylon, II, p. 542, etc.
118 THE SECOND INDIAN
probably chosen as king, but that after . a three years'
reign he was put to death and supplanted by his
minister, who in his turn suffered the same fate by
the same means, until at length five kings had occupied
the throne, each one of whom was murdered by his
minister and successor except the last, and he lost his
life and capital to the native Sinhalese monarch.''^
Coupling now the silence of the Pandyan chronicle
with the information slight as it is which the Maha-
wanso affords of the untimely deaths of these Tamil
kings, may we not infer that these Tamil invasions and
conquests were not national acts, the expression of the
national will,^^ but rather the exploits of individual
adventurers banded together for a special object, and
conducted by leaders whom they had elected, and
whom they could depose as easily as they had elected ?
And after these Tamils had been driven out of Anara-
japura and back to their old boundaries, with as the
narrative of the Mahawanso presumes no one among
them pre-eminent by his wealth, or birth, or authority, is
it not probable that after many a continuous struggle
among themselves for a power which was no sooner
attained than it was overthrown by the jealousy of
former equals, after many a revolution and the assassi-
nation of many a king, is it not probable that these
rival chieftains, if they wished not their country and
72 Mahawanso, pp. 203-4.
73 In the geographical description of the Tamil country. Appen-
dix D, II, p. 25, Taylor's Oriental Hist. MSS., Cape Comorin is
the furthest southern boundary, and no mention whatever is made
of Ceylon as Tamil, or subject to Tamil rule.
EMBASSY TO ROME. 119
themselves utterly to perish, should settle down at
length to some form of government not very dissimilar
to that described by Pliny on the authority of their
ambassador ?
But, again, our ambassadors spoke a language which
had never before been heard in Eome, and which the
freedman of Plocamus alone could interpret, and with
which even he was most probably but imperfectly
acquainted. Wliat they told then might easily be
misrepresented by the ignorance of the translator, or
its purport misunderstood when it associated itseK in
the minds of their audience with some previous know-
ledge or foregone conclusion. In this way the im-
possible account of the celestial phenomena of Ceylon
may be attributed to ignorance of the language, and
the story of the supposed Seres to a misunderstanding,
but a misunderstanding which I am unable satisfac-
torily to explain.
I would ask however why it is that we identify the
Seres with the Seras of our text ? If they are one and
the same people as Pliny thought why here and here
only do they appear as Seras ? And if Seres, a
distant people — would Eachias' father, even though of
Tamil extraction and of a more energetic race than the
Sinhalese proper, would he have talked of their country
as one he was in the habit of visiting, commeasse ?
But if not Seres who are these Seras ? It is clear to
me that they are Seras not without reason. Pliny or
whoever took down the statements of our ambassadors
reproduced as nearly as he could the exact names he
heard from them. ]N"ow the northern boundary of the
120 THE SECOND INDIAN
Pandyan, the Tamil, kingdom and in frequent relations
of peace and war with it is known as "the Great
Chera" or Sera''* country, a country not so distant but
that Eachias' father might occasionally have gone to
and fro between it and his home, and a country the
inhabitants of which would be designated as Seras or
SersB. But with this people, these Seras, Pliny's authority
connects a strange fashion of barter, though one in use
among several wild races ;^^ and if it could be shown
that such a race wandered amid the forests and moun-
tains of Chera our task would be easy, our explanation
found. But I can meet with no trace or record of any
such race there. In Ceylon itself however we hear of
Bedahs or Veddahs who from time immemorial have
haunted and still haunt its rocks and coasts and still
carry on their small traffic unseeing and unseen, and
who are besides so barbarous that even their possession
of a language has been doubted.^^ But these are Sin-
halese ? True, but of them and their singular custom
of trade the ambassadors would not improbably speak,
and as this very custom was intimately associated in
the Eoman mind^^ with the Seres, whoever they may
74 Cbtra, Nelson's Madura country. Ill, 2><. passim. Sera, Taylor's
Oriental MSS., Appendix II, p. 26. In re-examining the statements
of the ambassadors, I read with Gronovius, " lidem narravere latus
insulse quod prsetenderetur IndisG x mill. stad. esse ab oriente hy-
berno ultra montes Emodos." — i. e., that part of these mountains —
'* quorum promontorium Imaus vocatur." — Pliny, c. xxvi, ad cal,
'5 Supra, note 15, p. 96.
76 Eeinaud, Mem. s. I'lnde, p. 345. Tennent's Ceylon, 441, II.
"^ Thus Pomponius Mela, III, vii, 10 : " Seres intersunt... genus
plenum justitiae, ex commercio, quod rebus in solitudine relictis
absens peragit notissimum." And Pliny, vi, 20 : " Seres mites
EMBASSY TO ROME. 121
have been, his Eoman interlocutor would naturally
ask : Did they then know the Seres ? And he would
tell of the Seras. Hence a confusion probable enough
and explicable. But unluckily he also adds a descrip-
tion of this wild race. He gives them large bodies, red
hair, blue eyes and a rough voice''^ i.e., he describes a
Scythic^^ not a Hindu people and certainly not the
Veddahs whose long black matted hair, and large heads
and misshapen limbs^^ and miserable appearance at-
tracted the notice and excited the pity of Sir E.
Tennent. Of course it may be pointed out that Eachias
quidem, sed et ipsis feris persimiles coetum reliquorum mortalium
fugiunt, commercia expectant."
78 I find from Pritchard (Nat. Hist, of Man, p. 245), that grey-
eyed and red-baired Sinhalese are occasionally to be met with,
but these are so few that they can never have stood for Pliny's
description of the Serae ; nor can we, as I at first supposed, refer
either to the Eakshasas (Eamayana, Fauche tr., vi, 140), the mythic
aborigines of Ceylon and the supposed ancestors of the Veddahs,
or to the demon masks worn by the Sinhalese in their solemn
dances (Kolan Nattannawana, Upham's tr.. Or. Tr. Fund), as its
originals j for neither have anything in common with, or any pos-
sible likeness to, these Serae.
79 " Traces of a Scythic descent are to be found among the
Kattees of Kattywar at this day." — Letter from Sir G. le G. Jacob,
read at the Asiatic Society, February 19th, 1872. From the Peri-
plus, § 38, we learn that they occupied, and that their capital was
seated on, the lower Indus, but that they were then subject to the
Parthians. We know too that at the commencement of our era
they conquered India, but I cannot find that they ever settled in
the northern part of the peninsula. If then we suppose Eachias'
father sailing to the Indus to meet with those blue-eyed men,
we have still to account for their mode of traffic which is not
Scythian.
*• Pritchard, on Dr. Davy's authority, gives a pleasanter ac-
count of the Veddahs, but of the village Veddahs probably.
122 SECOND INDIAN EMBASSY TO EOME.
does not speak of liis own knowledge, that his memory
may be at fault, that his questions confounded one
people with another, but after all this the misunder-
standing is not accounted for or cleared up.
Finally, if we give this embassy to the Sinhalese
proper, then, if our ambassadors were not guilty of
absurd and purposeless falsehoods, wliich is very im-
probable, they were grossly ignorant of the size and
characteristics of their native land — a conclusion which
nothing in their history warrants. On the contrary,
the frequent retreat of the Court to the Malaya and
Eohuna,^^ and the complaint of Gamini,^^ and the tanks
and other great works of the native kings, indicate a
knowledge of the island, its size, resources, and general
features. If on the other hand, we take our ambassa-
dors from the Tamils of Ceylon, we then have a story
full of errors it is true, but easily accounted for, and
the most extraordinary statement of which, that re-
lating to the Serae, is capable of possible explanation.
SI Whenever driven from Anarajapura tlie native king retires
to tlie southern kingdom. Thus after the conquest of Elaro we
find him and his queen resident at Mahag'amo. — Mahawanso, p.
134. So the queen Anula on the occasion of the invasion of the
seven Damilos flees to the Malaya. — ib., p. 204.
82 " Gamini laid himself on his bed with his hands and feet
gathered up. The princess mother inquired ; ' My boy why not
stretch thyself on thy bed and lie down comfortably ?* * Confined/
replied he, 'by the Damilos beyond the river (Mahawelliganga),
and on the other side by the unyielding ocean, how can I lie down
with outstretched limbs ?' " — ih., p. 136.
ON. THE
INDIAN EMBASSIES TO ROME.
ON
THE INDIAN EMBASSIES TO EOME,
FROM THE REIGN OF CLAUDIUS TO THE DEATH
OF JUSTINIAN.
After the Sinhalese embassy to Claudius, the Indian
embassies to Eome were few and far between. To the
death of Justinian, a.d. 565, four only have been no-
ticed and barely noticed by historians. The first, to
Trajan,^ was present with him at the great shows which
he offered to the Eoman people, a.d. 107. The second, to
Antoninus Pius,^ A.D. 138-161, came to pay homage to
his virtues. The third to Julian,^ though intended Zonaras
asserts for Constantius, reached him according to Am-
^ Upos de rov Tpaiavov es ri\v Pcu^tjj/ ^XQovra irXiKnai darai irpia^eiai
irapa fiapfiapofu aWoos re Kai Ij'Scci' acpiKouTO' Kai d€a5...€iroiri(T€v ev ats
6r]pia...xiXia Kai fivpia i(T<pa'yif)...bTi 6 Tpaiavos rovs vapa tup ^aaihtosv
mpiKVOv/xevov^ €v T(f PovAevriKCf) Qiacraadai eiroift. — Dio Cassius, vol. I,
68, 156 J II, p. 313, Bekker.
2 " Quin etiam Indi Bactriani Hyrcani legates miserunt justitia
tanti imperatoris comperta."— Aurelian Victor, Epit. xvi.
3 " Pei'inde timore ejus adventus. . .legationes undique solito ocius
coiicuiTebant...nationibus Indicis certatim cum donis optimates
mittentibus ante tempus abusque Divis et Serendivis."— Ammia-
nus Marcellinus, 'xxii, 7, 277, p. i ; but Zonares, ExpTj/Ltarife 5e kui
vpea^eaiv e/c Siacpopcov fdiuv araAfiai irpos rov Kuvcxavnov.
126 INDIAN EMBASSIES FHOM
mianus Marcellinus, before it was expected, a.d. 361,
and included ambassadors from the Divi (Maldives) and
the Serendivi (the Sinhalese) who now for the first time
appear under their own name and the name by which
they were known to the Arabs. And the fourth to
Justinian^ brought him gifts, and was at Constantinople,
A.D. 530.
These are but scant memorials of petty diplomatic
courtesies, and scattered as they are over nearly five
hundred years they do little to illustrate the intercourse
between Kome and India, which during the first half
of these long centuries reached its highest point of de-
velopment, while during the last it had so fallen away
that in so far as it was direct it may be regarded as ex-
tinct. Of that intercourse I now propose to give a
rapid sketch.
The discovery of the monsoons, and the distracted
state of the Parthian Empire had at the beginning of
the second half of the first century, the close of Clau-
dius' reign, driven the whole of the trade between the
east and west to the great city of Alexandria.^ Its
people quick-witted but restless of disposition and ex-
citable of temper grew wealthy, and grew insolent as they
4 Ev avTcp 86 rep xpo^v (when John of Cappodocia was made Prse-
^o-^ian Exarch, a.d. 530, Smith, Biog. Diet.) kui irpeff^vTrjs IvScwj/
juera dcopcDV KaTfireixtpdrj iv KuvaravTiPoviroXei. — Malalas, p. 477 ; and a
Hindu embassy I gather on comparing it with another African-
Indian embassy mentioned, pp. 458-9, ib.
^ Dio Chrysostom, time of Trajan, speaks of it as second only
to Rome, ttoAis devrepa rwv viro rov r]\i.ov. — Oratio, xxxii, pp. 669-70;
even in the sixth century it was Mevtarrj iroKis. — Cosmas Montfau-
con, Kova Collectio Patrum, I, 124.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 127
grew wealthy. The person and character of the sovereign
was a favourite theme for their ridicule f and on every
slight occasion, when not taken up with factious fights
among themselves, they rose in tumult against their
governors and sometimes even in revolt against the
state. The emperors looked upon them with no friendly
eye. And it was, perhaps, as much to abate their in-
solence as to forward the interests of trade, that Hadrian
put an end to their monoply, and admitted Palmyra in-
to the commercial system of the Eoman .Empire.^
Under his patronage, and that of his successors, the
Antonines,^ who lived much in the east, and followed
out, we have every reason to believe, his policy, Pal-
^ See Hadrian's letter to the Consul Servianus in Flavins Vo-
piscus ; " Genus hominum seditiosissimum, vanissimum, impuris-
simum : civitas opulenta dives f8ecunda...utinam melius esset
morata civitas... liuic ego cuncta concessi...et in filium Verum
multi dixerunt, et de Antinoo quae dixerunt comperisse te credo.'*
— Augustee Scriptores, 234, II. Dio Chrysostom speaks of the
turbulent sneers, and mocks, and angry hisses with which they
greeted both king and private nian, ovk eSetrra rov vfxerepop Qpovv,
ov^i TOP yiXoDTa, ouSe 'n]v opyrju, ovSc avpiyixovs, ovde ra aKwixpLora ols
vavTas 6K7rA77TT6T€.../cai i5i(arir)v nai iSaciAeo, id., p. 664; and that this
had estranged the emperors we may gather from p. 637, fis viroy\iLav
avTovs Kad^ vfxwv Tijay^rw. Also p. 700, Reiske ed. And Ammianus
Marcellinus " Sed Alexandria in internis seditionibus diu aspere
fatigata."— xxii, § 16, p. 207.
'' Ersch and Griiber, Encyclopedie, art. Palmyra. Not, how-
ever, forgetting that between India and Palmyra trade already
existed; for Trajan, having descended the Tigris, 67r' avrov rov
n,Kiavov f\d(i}u...Kai ir\oiou ri €s Ii'Sjoi' irXeov iS<ov. — Cassius, L. 67, c.
28. And through Palmyra probably " That colony of Jews which
after the destruction of Jerusalem settled in Cochin, made their
way." — Buchanan's Eesearches; Day's Permaul, pp. 341-53.
8 Of works treating of India belonging to this period we have —
The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (a.d. 81, 96); Prolog, de Auct.
128 INDIAN EMBASSIES FEOM
myra rapidly developed the advantages wliicli it derived
from its position on the nearest route to India, It
flourished and grew daily in importance. And when
Emesa, almost on its frontiers, and on its high road to
Antioch and Damascus, gave to Eome Julia Domna, the
wife of one Emperor, Severus, and the mother of
another, Caracalla, and afterwards two Emperors, Ela-
Perip., p. xcvii, L. Geog. Minor, ed. Dido t— a manual of Roman,
or rather Egyptian, trade with India ; a really original work, the
result of the author's own observation and experience as a mer-
chant and supercargo. The Geography of Ptolemy (a.d. 138, 161),
the first work which makes the circuit of Ceylon, and names the
harbours and headlands on its coast, its rivers, mountains, and
towns. The Expedition of Alexander and the Indica of Arriau
(a. d. 150, 160), both compilations, but the compilations of a
man of sense and critical acuteness — the one made up from the
cotemporary histories of Alexander, the other from the narratives
of Megasthenes, Eratosthenes, and Nearchus. We have besides
notices of India and Indian manners scattered through several of
the numerous treatises of Plutarch and the orations of Dion Chry-
sostom (A.D. 100); but they both draw their information from the
common storehouse, — and even in that longer description of India
as the true pays de Cocagne which Dion gives in his Oratio in
Calenis Phrygian, he merely throws together in one piece the
various Indian myths which Ctesias and Onesicritus so willingly
collected and believed. Among the writers of this age we may
also though with some hesitation class Q. Curtius (Smith's Biog.
Diet., V. 1), and Dionysius Periegetes (Geog. Hist. Prolog., p. 18,
II, Didot). But neither had of himself any knowledge of India;
the first merely copied and compiled from the old historians of
Alexander, and the second as well in his Bassarika as in his Perie-
gesis is original (?) only in so far as he connects the known coun-
try of India with the exploits of Bacchus : indeed he says of him-
self—
ov yap fioi j8iO$ eari fx^Xaivaav eiri vriwf
ou5e fjioi ffiTTopiT] Trarpuios, ou5' 67rt ra77Tj^
fpXotJLai, oia re iroWoi. — vv. 709-11.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 129
gabalus and Alexander : then sated with wealth it began
to aspire to other than the arts of commerce ; it levied
or hired armies ; it made conquests and acquired terri-
tory ; it became a power, and for a moment held with
Eome divided empire.^
The trade between Eome and India, even under the
earlier Antonines, must have been important ;^^ for it
attracted the attention of the Chinese. Their annals
speak of it as carried on principally by sea ; they enu-
merate the commodities as coral, amber, gold, sapphires,
mother-of-pearl, perfumes, etc., which it preferred, and
allude to the trade frauds and manipulations by which
Eoman merchants freshened up and flavoured exhausted
perfumes-^^ for foreign and provincial markets. They
speak of Eoman merchants in relations of commerce
with and visiting Burmah, Tonquin and Cochin China ;
and what more interests us, they have preserved the
memory of an Embassy from the Eoman Emperor
9 See de Odonato XIV, the Duo Gallieni III, the Claudius XII,
Trigint. Tyran., Trebellii PoUion., and Aurelian's letter to the
senate, excusing the appearance of Zenobia in his triumphal pro-
cession. Vopisci, Hist. Aug. Script., and note 9 to c. 32, vii, L. of
Eusebius, Eccl. Hist., Heinichen's ed.
^0 Pausanias, a cotemporary of Antoninus Pius and Aurelius, in-
cidentally notices it, but in a way which would lead one to suppose
it was insignificant, oi de es ttji/ IvSiktjp eairXeovTes (popnoov <paaiv
'EWrjviKUu Tovs IvSovs ayuyifxa aWa avraWaao-eadai, voniaixa 5e ovk
iiTiaraadai, Kai ravra XP^^o^ """^ a<pdovov kui x^^X^^ trapovros a<piat. —
III, L. c. xii, § 3.
1' Rather inferred than expressed. " Hs prennent les composes
de plantes medicinales, en extraient les parties succulentes afin
d'en composer des pates odorantes et ils vendent le residu prive de
Bes meilleures qualites aux marchands des autres royaumes." —
Pauthier, Examen des faits relatifs au Thian-Tchu ou rinde,p. 23.
K
130 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
An tun (Marcus Aurelius), which a.d. 166 was received
by and offered tribute to the Chinese sovereign, ele-
phants' teeth, rhinoceros^ horns and tortoise shells.^^
But for this embassy there is no Eoman authority
whatever, and as an embassy paying tribute when
Marcus Aurelius was emperor, it is simply impossible.
And yet it is so slightly noticed, and so little is made
of it, that one cannot put it away as a mere invention
of the Chinese historian to magnify his country. Be-
sides, we find that the same writer records the visit some
years later of a Eoman merchant,^^ one Lun, to the
Chinese Court, and speaks of his interviews with the
then Chinese Emperor, curious about the songs and
manners of other countries, and yet never speaks of him
as other or more than a merchant. Surely then we have
no reason to assume that the Eomans of the so-called
embassy had their ambassadorial character thrust upon
them, they must have taken it upon themselves for pur-
poses of trade.^*
12 " Ce royaume de I'lnde fait un grand commerce h Toccident
avec le Ta-thsin, I'Empire Eomain ; c'est par la mar surtout." — Id.,
p. 22. " Les liabitans de ce royaume vont trfes souvent pour leurs
relations de commerce jusqu'au Fou-nan, Burmah: au Jiwan,
Cochin Chine : au Kie-tchi, le Tonquin." — P. 25. " La neuvieme
des annees Yan-ti de Houan-ti de la dynastie des Han (a.d. 160),
Autun roi du Ta-thsin envoya une ambassade pour offrir des pre-
sents."— P. 24, and in a note, " Le tribut consistait en dents d' ele-
phant, etc."
13 *' Le cinquieme des annees Hoang-wou (a.d. 222-278) un mar-
chand du Ta-thsin... du nom de Thsin-lun, Lun le Eomain, vint
dans le Tonquin. Le gouverneur I'accompagna pres du souverain
Chinois. Ce dernier I'interrogea sur les chants, les mceurs de son
pays." — Id., p. 25.
14 Eeinaud, I'Empire Eomain, et I'Asie Orientale, Jour. Asiat.,
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN". 131
Again, the presents or tribute with which these am-
bassadors approach the Celestial throne, as they are
products not of Italy but of Africa or India, are scarcely
the presents with which the Eoman would greet a
brother Emperor. But on the other hand they are just
the sort of commodities which Alexandrian merchants
trading to India would gather up on a roving voyage,
and which as curious and valuable they would be likely
1863, p. 323, connects with this embassy— for embassy he will have
it — a notice concerning silk, introduced d propos des hottes, by
Pausanias, at the close of B. vi, c. 26, Desc. Grseciae. He there says,
that " silk is not the produce of a plant, but that it is obtained
from a small animal about twice the size of a beetle, which the
Greeks but not the Seres call afip. This animal is like the tree-
spider, and like it has eight legs. The Seres rear it in houses suited
to the hot and cold seasons, and it works up a thin thread which
it rolls about with its feet (the beetle). For four years they feed
it with millet, eXvfjLos, and on the fifth give it a greenish reed,
which it eats greedily till it bursts. When it is dead, a great
quantity of thread is found within its body." I must own that I
overlooked or put aside as worthless this account of the silkworm ;
but Reinaud, with his quick perception and great memory, saw all
its importance and remarked, that this is the first notice we have
both of silk as an animal product, and of the care taken by the
Seres in rearing the silkworm, and I admit that Pausanias in some
way or another derived his information from the Romans, who at this
time visited China. Let me, however, express my surprise that
Pliny, who describes the bombyx of Cos and the thread obtained
from its cocoon, and the stuff" made from that thread, should have
clung to some plant as the origin of silk ; but then Pliny was but a
reader of books, and perhaps a man of the world— not an observer
of nature ; and in his account of the bombyx he seems, judging
from the notes to the Delphin Pliny, Valpy's, to have borrowed
from Aristotle's Hist. Animal. In these notes, speaking of the
same Bombyx, Julius Pollux (a.d. 134) is cited as observing that
there are some people who say that the Seres collect their silk
from other such animals. — Pliny, Hist. Nat., xi, 27, note.
132 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FEOM
to offer as present or tribute to any potentate they cared
to propitiate. I look on this embassy as the fraud of
Alexandrian merchants.
But it was during the reigns of Severus, his son
Caracalla, and the pseudo-Antonines, that Alexandria
and Palmyra were most prosperous, and that Eoman in-
tercourse with India was at its height. Then Eoman
literature gave more of its attention to Indian matters,
and did not, as of old, confine itself to quotations from
the historians of Alexander or the narratives of the
Seleucidian ambassadors, but drew its information from
other and independent sources. Then Clemens Alex-
andrinus (a.d. 192, 217), thus wrote of the Gymnoso-
phists ; "They are," he says, " Sarmanai, or Brahmins. Of
the Sarmanai, the AUobioi neither dwell in cities nor
under a roof, but ' wear a vesture of bark', and live on
acorns, and drink water from their hands, and know
neither marriage nor the procreation of children. And
they are the Indians^^ who obey the precepts of Boutta :
and him for his exceeding majesty they honour as a
god." And in another place, but on the authority of
Alexander Polyhistor, he tells of the Brahmans,^^ how
15 In general rendered " And there are Indians/' etc. I sub-
join the whole passage : — Kat rwv 'Sap/xavcav ot A\Aoj8tot ('TAo)8tot)
TTpoffayopevofjLevoi, ovre iroKeiS oiKovcriv, ovre (rreyas exowtrt, SevSpup Se
a^Kpiivvvvrai <p\oiois (Menu, vi, § 16) ; Kat aKpodpva (riTovvrai Kai y5«p
rais x^P^'' Tfivovaiv ov •yapLOV, ov iraiSoirouav laaaiv, ccairep ol vw "EyKpa-
rrjrai KaKovjx^voi. etffi Se roiv Ij/Scwj/ oi rois Bovrra ireiBopLSuoi ■napayykX-
ixaaiv 6v 5t' vnepfioXrjv aefivoTrjTos eis @eov TertjUTyfao-t. — Stromata, I,
110. I beg attention to the ambiguity of the last paragraph.
^^ Bpax/uayot oure ffjiipvxov eaOiovaiv, ovre oivov irivovaiu, aAA.' ot fxfv
avTwu Ka6* cKaarTju rj/JLcpau, oos rjpLsis, ttjv rpo<j)r}v irpoaievraf eftoi S' avrwv,
Sia ipwu TJixepwv oos ^rjaiv A\e^av5pos d HoKviarup €P roi9 ludiKois' Kara-
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 133
"they neither drink wine nor taste of animal food; how-
some of them eat daily, others but once in three days ;^7
how from their belief in a second birth, iraXtr^'yevecnav,
they despise death and are indifferent to life ; and how
they worship Hercules and Pan. He says further that
those called Semnoi go naked, and cultivate truth, and
foretell the future, and worship a pyramid which is
supposed to cover the bones of a god ; that neither
Gymnosophists nor Semnoi marry, because marriage
they look upon as contrary to law and nature, and they
therefore keep themselves chaste, so do the Semnoi
women who devote themselves to a virgin life. He
adds that they observe the heavenly bodies, and through
them foretell the future."
The name and precepts of Buddha, and the worship
of the pyramid topes, recorded in these passages, are to
be found in no other ancient writer whatever. If derived
originally from Megasthenes as is supposed, it is strange
that they have escaped the notice of Plutarch and
<ppovov(n Se Qavarov, Kai reap" ovS^v Tjyovvrai ro ^r)P' ireidovrai yap eivat
'jra\tyy€V€(nav. olSe <T€$ov(tiv 'HpaK\ea Kai Uava' ol KaXovfievoi 5€ Sejuj/oi
rwv IvScDV, yvfivoi SiairavTai top iravra fiiov ovroi T'r]V aXrjdeiav aaKovai
Kai irtpi rcov fxeWovraiv irepifirjuvovai, Kai affiov<xi riva nvpafxiZa v(p^ rjv
oana rivos @eov vofii^ovaiv airoK€i(T6ai. ovre Sf ot TvfiUoaocpKrTai, ov6* ol
X^yofievoi Renvoi, yvvai^i xP«»'Taf trapa <pv(Tiv yap roxno Kai irapavofiov
SoKovai' St' 7ju aiTiav a(pas ayvovs rripovari' rrapOevevovai Se Kai ^efxvai.
BoKovai irapar-qpeiv ra ovpavia, Kai Sia ttjs rovrwv tJi\iXii(a<Tt<a% ruv fjiiWov-
ruv vpofjiavTevfadai riva. — ih. iii, 194.
17 In the Prabodhatschandradaja is an allusion to this observance.
The scholar asks of his master why the observers of religious rites
eat but one meal in three days. " Wenn Essen und Trinken die
Hauptaufgabe des Menschen ist...denn warum wird...das Leben...
durch Bu8subungen...wie in drei Tagen nur ein Mai speisen,
gequalt?"...Hirzers Tr., p. 23, and Menu, vi, 18, etc.
134 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
Porphyry, curious in such matters ; and still more strange
that, as characteristic of one of the great religions of
India, they should have been passed over by Strabo,
Diodorus Siculus, and Arrian, who in their works have
embodied his Indica, at least that part of it which treats
of the sects and castes of India. But the paragraph
with the name of Boutta, at the close of the first citation,
is so loosely worded that it is impossible to ascertain
whether it refers to the Sarmanai previously mentioned,
or to some altogether different sect. It is besides so
clumsily introduced, that it reads like an afterthought,
a fact thrown in that it may not be lost, or a piece of
information which Clemens had obtained from some
of those Indians mentioned by Dion as residents at Alex-
andria,^^ and which he now tacks on to a description
notoriously taken from Megasthenes.
Of the second^^ passage, all that refers to the Semnoi
^^ Ad Alexandrines, — dpw yap ov fiovov 'EAArji/as irap' vjxiVy ovV IraK-
ovSf etc., etc., aWa koli BuKTpiovs, Kai ^KvOas, Kai Uepaas, Kai IpSuv
rivas, 01 (TvvOecevTai Kai itap^iaiv iKaorroTe vfiiv. — Orat., xxxii, p. 672,
Eeiske ed.
^9 The term Sarmanai Germanai as the name of a Hindu sect
was first used by Megasthenes (a.d. 302-288), and is found in
Strabo and Clemens cited above ; that of Samanaeoi belongs to
Alexander Polyhistor, and is found in Clemens (a.d. 193-217) in the
same section and just before the passage relating to the Gymnoso-
phists which I have given in the text : and in Cyril, cont.
Julianum iv (a.d. 433), but is in both writers the name of the
philosophers or priests of Bactria, and copied from Polyhistor.
After Clemens, who lived at the close of the second and beginning
of the third century, it is used by Bardesanes (a.d. 217) to desig-
nate for the first time, so far as we know, the Buddhist priests of
India j by Origen (a.d. 245-249) in the same sense, and lastly by
Hieronymus, close of the fourth century (Epist. cont. Jovian, pt.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 135
I am disposed to look upon as an addition of Clemens.^
For though Alexander Polyhistor was a great reader
and voluminous writer, he was a compiler merely, and
no more professed originality than does an Encyclo-
paedia. A native too of one of the Greek cities of Asia
Minor, he fell upon unhappy times, and was carried
away to Eome before mid age a prisoner and a slave,
and passed the remainder of his days in Italy. Under
these circumstances 1 do not see how he could have
heard or learned any new thing about India, anything
i, tr. ii, xxxix), and expressly borrowed from Bardesanes. But
to show that both Clemens and Cyril have been writing from the
same authority, I will place their words side by side, observing
that Cyril expressly quotes from the Py thagorick symbols of Poly-
histor.
npoearrjaav Se avrris {(f)i\o(TO' 'larropfi yovu AXf^avSpos b itti'
ipia%) Aiyvrrruy re ot vpoiprirai Kai KhTiv TloXvKTTwp fv T<p irept Tlvda-
AaavpitDV ot XaK^aioi, Kat TaKarosv yopiKuv (Tvix$o\otv...€(pi\o(TO<priaaP
ol ApviSai, Kai "Zanavaioi Ba/c- Kai irap* Aiy inrTiois ot KeKXrinevoi
rpoiu, KaiKf\T(i)u ot <piKo(To<pt](Tav- irpo<pi)Tai Kai fxrjv Kai Anavpioov
Tfs Kai Ilepawv ot ixayoi ..IvSeou t€ Xa\Saioi,Kaira\aTO}v ot ApviSai, Kai
ot rviJ.VO(TO(pl(TTai...':iKvdYIS §6 Kttt €« BaKT p W V T (i) P Tl € p CT 0) V 2 a-
Avaxapois fiv. — Stromat., I. (xavaioi^ Kai KeXroov ovk o\iyoif
Kai trapa Uepeais ot Mayot, Kai irap'
IvSois ot TvfjLvoaotpKTTai, KUi airros
Avaxapcris irapa ^KvOais. — Cyril
cont. Julian, L. iv, p. 133, ed.
Spanheim's (a.d. 375 ?).
^0 Bardesanes we examine at length presently. Origen, cont.
Celsum, I, 24, speaking of the innate force of words, cos no-i xp<»»^<»t
AiyvKTiwv ot aoipoi Kai rwu irapa TLepaais \t.ay<av ot \oyioi, Kantav trap'' IvZoit
<pi\oao(j>ovvT(i>v $paxfJiaP€s 17 ^a/xavaio i. — Hieronymus, " Bardesanes
vir Babylonius in duo dogmata apud Indos Gymnosophistas
dividit, quorum alterum appellat Bragmanos, alterum Samanceos."
See, however, Schwanbeck in Miiller's Hist. Grsec, Frag., p. 437,
V. Ill, and Lassen Ind. Alterthum, v. Ill, pp. 355-6.
136 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FKOM
not already contained in books. But look now at
Clemens Alexandrinus. He lived in Alexandria, then
in frequent communication with India, where Hindus
occasionally resorted. He was besides a Christian, and
as a Christian he necessarily frequented the society of
artisans and merchants, and among them if anywhere
had opportunities of meeting either with Hindus or
with those who had visited India. But could a man of
his acquirements and eager, earnest, and inquiring mind
meet with such men, and not draw from them some in-
formation relating to India before unknown ? His keep-
ing within the well beaten path of old facts would be to
me as surprising as Polyhistor's straying from it. Again,
in no known fragment of Polyhistor are the Buddhist
priests called Semnoi; indeed the term as appKed to
them is found only in this passage. And I can very
well understand Clemens choosing it, because in sound
it sufficiently resembles the Tamil Samana,^^ and in
sense expresses satisfactorily the ideas attached to an
ancient priesthood; and perhaps also because, though
unaware of their brotherhood, he thus distinguished the
Hindu Buddhist from Polyhistor's Samanseos or Bac-
trian priest.
Then Philostratus,^^ a cotemporary of Clemens, pub-
lished his romance of ApoUonius of Tyana, and ^lian^^
21 Pronounced, Mr. J. H. Nelson, C.S., Madras, informs me, as
semen, the e sounded as in Italian. Boutta too he thinks more
closely allied to the Tamil Buttha than the Sanscrit Buddha,
though he would hesitate to derive it thence.
22 Philostratus published his AppoUonius after the death of
the Empress Julia Domna, as he himself states, consequently some
time after a.d. 217.— V. Dio Cassius, L. 78, 6, 24.
23 ^lian flourished ad. 225.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN". 137
his Variae Historise, in which are many notices of Indian
animals and Indian peoples and customs, but from Mega-
sthenes and Ctesias principally. ^^ And then too Art em-
ployed itself on Indian subjects, as we gather from Calli-
stratus' description of the statue of a drunken and reeling
IIindu.2^ Then Dio Cassius wrote his history, lost in
its entirety, but of which the fragments and summary
by Xiphilinus sufficiently attest the interest he took in
all that related to India. Then too Bardesanes,^^ as we
learn from the extracts preserved by Porphyry,^^ gave
to the w^orld his Indica, the materials for which he ob-
tained he states from one Dandamis or Sandanes, the
chief of some unrecorded embassy to the Csesars, and
whom he met it seems at Babylon in the reign of Anto-
ninus of Emesa,28 Elagabalus (a.d. 218-222). He
2-* To this age also probably belongs the UepioSos Bona, which
speaks of Thomas' visit to India, and tells of an Indian king,
Goundaphores, whose agent was in the Eoman Empire looking
out for mechanics, and who may be identified with Gondophares
of the Indo-Parthian coins, a cotemporary of the last Arsacidan
kings (about a.d. 216) Thilo, Acta St. Thomse and Wilson, Ariana
Antiqua. And to this age we may refer one of the heresies of the
Christian Church introduced by and brought avo 'Xvpov r-qs IlapQias.
— Bunsen Analecta Antenicsena, i, p. 378.
25 Descript. iv. ets ro IvSov ayaXfia. On the statue of an Indian
evidently ; and not. On the statue of the Indus, as Lassen renders
it.— Ind. Alt., Ill, 73. Callistratus wrote about a.d. 250.
26 He speaks also of Indians idolatrous and non-idolatrous in his
Book of Fate.
27 Porphyry, de Abstinentid, iv, 17.
28 IvSot oi eiri rrjs fiaaiKeias tt\s Avtoduipov rov 6{ Efieaotv tis rriv "Svpiav
BapSrjfTavri rtp e« ttjj Mco-oTroTajUjas €ts Koyovs atpiKOfievoi f^ryyTjaavro. —
Stobseus Physica, i, 54. Gaisford's ed. This reading proposed by
Heeren and adopted by Gaisford. necessarily, it seems to me,
brings down our embassy to the reign of Elagabalus (a.d. 218-222),
138 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
writes, that " the Indian Theosophs, whom the Greeks
call Gymnosophists, are divided into two sects, Brah-
mans and Shamans, Samanseoi. The Brahmans are one
family, the descendants of one father and mother, and
they inherit their theology as a priesthood. The Sha-
mans on the other hand are taken from all Indian sects
indifferently,^^ from all who wish to give themselves up
to the study of divine things.
" The Brahmans pay no taxes like other citizens, and
are subject to no king.^'^ Of the philosophers among
them, some inhabit the mountains, others the banks of
the Ganges. The mountain Brahmans subsist on fruit
and cow's milk, curdled with herbs.^^ The others live
the only Antonine who can be described as of Emesa. Lassen, how-
ever (ut sup.. Ill, 348), is of opinion that it was addressed to An-
toninus Pius (a.d. 158-181, an error for 138-151), but as his reference
is to Heeren's ed., whose emendation I presume he adopts, I can-
not conceive how he arrives at this conclusion.
28 Megasthenes, as quoted by both Arrian and Strabo, had some
indistinct notion that the Indian Sophistai or some of them were
not so bound to caste as the other Indians. But Arrian so puts it
as if the whole Brahman caste was open. Mopov a<piaiv aveirai
ao<piarr}v €k iravTos yev^os yevtadai, and this because of the austerity
of their lives. — Indica, xi, 7, xii, 9. Fr. Hist. G-rsec, II, pp. 427,
429. Didot ed. Strabo, on the other hand, that no man can exer-
cise two trades, except he be a philosopher, ttAtji/ ei twv <pi\oao<pa>tf
Tis €17), and this because of their virtue. — ih., p. 430. Diodorus
omits the passage : doubtless it was ambiguous.
^ AA6tToi;p77jTot yap ovres oi <pi\o<TO(poi iraarjs vvovpyias, ovd' krepotv
Kvpifvovaiv ovd' v<p' erepuvbea-no^ovrai. — Diodorus, II, 400 ; Fr. Grsec,
II, p. 405. Menu says, *' A king, even though dying, must not re-
ceive any tax from a Brahman learned in the Vedas." — cvii, 133.
" The temple lands ^^of Buddhist priests) were invariably free from
royal duty." — Hardy, Monachism, p. 68.
31 "Buttermilk may be swallowed, and every preparation of
buttermilk," 10 §. "And every mess prepared with barley or
wheat, or with dressed milk," 25 §, c. v, Menu.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 139
on the fruit trees which are found in plenty near the
river and which afford an almost constant succession of
fresh fruits, and, should these fail, on the self-sown
wild rice that grows there.^^ To eat any other food, or
even to touch animal food, they hold to be the height
of impiety and uncleanness.^^ Each man has his own
cabin, and lives as much as he can by himself, and
spends the day and the greater part of the night in
prayers and hymns to the gods. And they so dislike
society, even that of one another, or much discourse, that
when either happens, they expiate it by a retirement
and silence of many days.^* They fast often.
" The Shamans,^^ on the other hand, are, as I said, an
elected body. Whoever wishes to be enrolled in their
order presents himself to the city or village authorities,
and there makes cession of all his property. He then
shaves his body, puts on the Shaman robe, and goes to
the Shamans,^^ and never turns back to speak or look
32 " Let him eat green herbs, flowers, roots, and finiits, etc.,** §
13. " Let him not eat the produce of ploughed land," § 16, c. vi,
of the Anchorite ed. But as a Sannyasi, " an earthen water-pot,
the roots of large trees, coarse vesture, total solitude, — these are
the characteristics of a Brahman set free," § 44, ib.
33 The Brahman student must " abstain from flesh meat," § 177,
ii, ib. " The Manava Dharma affirms that the Brahman who eatg
flesh loses instantly his rank."— Tr. El. As. Soc, p. 163, iii, v.
34 As anchorite, " Let him live without external fire, — wholly
silent," vi, 25, ib. As Sannyasi, " Alone let him constantly dwell
for the sake of his own felicity, observing the happiness of a soli*
tary man, — without a companion," ib., 42.
36 Samanaioi, from the Pali Sammana, found first in Clemens
Alexandrinus, seemingly from Polyhistor, and applied to the priests
of Bactria.
86 " The priest can only possess three robes," p. 66. " From
140 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
at his wife and children if he have any, and never
thinks of them any more, but leaves his children to the
king and his wife to his relations, who provide them
with the necessaries of life. The Shamans live outside
the city, and spend the whole day in discourse upon
divine things. They have houses and temples of a
royal foundation, and in them stewards, who receive
from the king^'' a certain allowance of food, bread, and
vegetables for each convent. When the convent bell
rings,^^ all strangers then in the house withdraw, and
the Shamans enter and betake themselves to prayer.
Prayer ended, at the sound of a second bell the servants
place before each individual, for two never eat together,
a dish of rice ; but to any one who wants variety they
give besides either vegetables or fruit. As soon as they
have done dinner, and they hurry over it, they go out to
their usual occupations. They are not allowed to
marry or to possess property. They and the Brahmans
the commencement of his novitiate he is shaved/' p. 112. " The
wearing of the robe is imperative," pp. 114, 122. Hardy, East.
Monachism.
87 The regular and usual mode of obtaining food is " to take the
alms bowl from house to house," Hardy, ut sup., 94, but as we
may gather from the Saored Books of Ceylon and the Legend of
Anepidu (Hardy, Monachism, p. 68, and Buddhism, p. 218), land
and food were also provided by kings and rich men for monas-
teries ; indeed under certain circumstances the priest is enjoined
to refuse the food " that is given statedly to a temple." — Id., Mo-
nachism, p. 97.
38 So in the legend of S^mgha : " Au bout de quelque temps le
son de la plaque de metal qu'on frappe pour appeler les religieux
s'etait fait entendre, chacun d'eux tenant son vase a la main vient
s'asseoir a son rang." — Burnouf, Introd. a I'Hist. du Bouddhisme,
p. 320.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 141
are so honoured by the Indians, that even the king will
come to them to solicit their counsel in matters of
moment, and their intercession with the gods when
danger threatens the country."
" Both Shamans and Brahmans have such a notion of
death, that they impatiently bear with life, and view it
but as a necessary though burdensome service imposed
upon them by nature. They hasten therefore to free
the soul from the body.^^ And often when a man is
39 Onesicritus says of them when suffering from disease, Attr-
Xi(J"rop 5' avTois vofii^fadai voaov awfxariKrjW rov S' virovorjcravTa /ca0' avrov
rovTo, e^ayeiv eavrov Sia trvpos, vqaavra 'iTvpav...aKi,vii7ov Se Kaieadai. —
Strabo, xv, 65. Pomponius Mela more generally, " At ubi senectus
aut morbus incessit, procul a caeteris abeunt mortemque... nihil
anxie expectant... Prudentiores...non expectant eam sed ingerendo
semet ignibus Iseti et cum gloria arcessunt." — III, vii, 40. " On
voit...dans I'lnde des hommes se bruler sur un bTicher...Cet usage
vient de la croyance...a la metempsycose." — Eeinaud, Eel. des
Voyageurs Arabes, I, p. 120. Yet Menu rather discountenances,
except in sickness, voluntary deaths. "If he has an incurable
disease" (for an example see Eadja-Tarangini, i, 311-12, note),
" let him advance in a straight line towards the invincible north-
east point, feeding on air and water till his mortal frame totally
decay, vii, 31 ; but 45 ih., " Let him not wish for life, let him expect
his appointed time as a herd expects his wages." Similarly the
Buddhist. " The rahats do not desire to live, nor do they wish to
die; they wait patiently for the appointed time." — Hardy, E.
Men., 287. But from the answer of Punna (Puma) to Buddha,
" There are some priests who from various causes are tired of life,
and they seek opportunities whereby their lives may be taken,
but this course I shall avoid" {id., Buddhism, p. 260) ; and from
the fact that the perfected priest when " at the point of death
would cause his body to be spontaneously burnt" (id., Monachism,
261), we may presume that voluntary deaths among priests even
in Buddha's time were not unfrequent and permissible on some
occasions, i. e., were as among the Brahmans not very strictly pro-
hibited, and that Megasthenes very fairly states both the doctrine
142 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
well in health, and no evil whatever presses upon him,
he will give notice of his intention to quit the world,
and his friends will not try to dissuade him from it, but
rather account him happy, and give him messages for
their dead relations ; so firm and true is the conviction
of this people that souls after death have intercourse
with one another. When he has received all his com-
missions, in order that he may quit the body in all
purity,*^ he throws himself into a burning pile, and dies
amid the hymns of the assembled crowd. And his
nearest friends^^ dismiss him to his death more will-
ingly than we our fellow -citizens when about to pro-
ceed on some short journey. They weep over them-
selves that they must continue to live, and deem him
happy who has thus put on immortality. And among
neither of these sects, as among the Greeks, has any
sophist yet appeared to perplex them by asking,
'If everybody did this, what would become of the
world?'"
Thus far Bardesanes on the Gymnosophists. To form
and the practice, Ovk eivai doyfxa cfyriaiv eavrous e^ayeiv rovs Se iroi-
ovpras Tovro peaviKovs KpivcffOai. — Geog. Hist. Grsec, II, 439.
*o Megasthenes ascribes no particular virtue to the death by fire :
it is merely the death preferred by fiery spirits, tows 5€ irvpttxrus as
TTVpudoVfliVOVS, ih.
^'^ The Relation des Yoyageurs Arabes, ninth century, thus de-
scribes one of these self-immolations. The man " se met a courir
dans les marches ayant devant lui des cymbales et entoure de sa
famille et ses proches."...A crown of burning coals is placed upon
his head. . . " Le homme marche la t^te en feu. . .et pourtant il marche
comme si de rien n'etait, et on n'aper^oit sur lui aucun signe
d'emotion : enfin, il arrive devant le bucher et s'y precipite^" —
Eeinaud, i, 122.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 143
any just estimate of the value of his information, we
must compare it with the accounts given by more an-
cient writers. The companions of Alexander speak of
the Indian sophists and of them as divided into classes,
but nowhere mention the Sarmanai^^ by name. Thus
Aristobulus,^ of two Brahmans he saw at Taxila
and who in the presence of Alexander displayed each in
his own way his powers of endurance, remarks that
while the younger wore all his hair, the elder was
shaved.^ And Nearchus*^ distinguishes between the
Brahmans who are engaged in political life and are
councillors of the king, and those who give themselves
up to the study and contemplation of nature, as Cala-
nus. He adds, that with these last women philosophise,
and that all lead austere lives. With Megasthenes as we
know him from Strabo, Diodorus Siculus, and Arrian,*^
begins our knowledge of the Sarmanai. Of the philoso-
phers generally he says they do no labour, pay no taxes,
and are subject to no king ; that they are present at all
sacrifices whether public or private, and preside over all
^ Sarmanai, Sans, ^ramana, used by Megasthenes and his
copyists.
43 From Strabo, xv, I, 61.
^* The shaved head would imply a Buddhist priest, described in
the Prabodhatschandradaja as " Kahlgeschirner, Kopfbiischelver-
zierter, Haarausraufer," p. 39, and whoever compares the whole
account of this shaved Brahman, how he came to Alexander and
followed him to the end, with Onesicritus's story of Calanus — save
that no mention is made of this Brahman's voluntary death — will
be inclined to think that he and Calanus are one and the same
person. — Strabo, xv, I, 65.
45 Strabo, ih., 66.
46 Strabo, xv, I. Diodorus Siculus, II, 35. Arrian, Indica, vii.
144 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
funeral rites f and that on New Year's Day tliey meet
in tlie king's palace and there make known the future
of the year, its events and harvests, and that he who
thrice fails in his predictions is condemned to a life-long
silence. These philosophers he divided into Brahmans
and Sarmanai.
Of these the Brahmans were the most honoured,
because their opinions were the most fixed and uniform.
The Brahman's education began even in his mother's
womb. During the period of gestation she was soothed
by songs and chaunts in praise of continence, which in
proportion as they won her pleased attention bene-r
ficially influenced her future offspring. After the child's
birth and as he grew in years he was passed on from
one preceptor to another, until he was old enough to
become an auditor of the philosophers. These lived
frugally, abstained from animal food and women, and in
a grove outside the city spent their days in earnest
discourse, communicating their knowledge to all who
chose to listen. But in their presence the novice was
not permitted to speak, or hawk, or spit, under the
penalty of one day's banishment from their society.
At the age of thirty-seven his student life ceased.^^
47 Menu, III, 124.
48 (' The discipline of a student in tlie three Vedas may be con-
tinued for thirty-six years in the house of his precepter, or for half
that time/' etc. Menu, III, 1. That on his return home he lived
more laxly and elegantly may be gathered from §§3, 61, 62,
ife., and iv, 34. In the chapter on Diet, §§ 25-35, are the rules to
be observed in eating flesh meat. Among the Jains, " A student
till he is married should tie only a thread round his loins, with a
rag to cover his nakedness." But " as soon as he is married, then
he may dress properly at his pleasure." — As. Eesear. ix. 248.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 145
The Brahman then returned to his home, lived more
freely, wore gold rings and silk, and ate the flesh of
such animals as were of no service to man, abstaining
however from pungent and highly seasoned food. He
married too as' many wives as he could, for the sake of
offspring, but did not admit them to a fellowship in his
philosophy.
Of the Sarmanai, he writes that the Hylobioi were
the most honoured. They dwelt in the w^oods, and
subsisted on leaves and wild fruits, " wore a vesture of
bark,"*^ and abstained from wine and venery. Through
messengers they advised with the king on the causes of
things, and w^ere employed by him as his intercessors
before the gods. Next to them were the physicians.
They too lived abstemiously, but not in the open air.
They ate rice and flour, which they seem to have got by
begging. They made barren women fruitful. They
healed by diet rather than by medicine, and of medica-
ments preferred cataplasms and unguents. Both they
and the Hylobioi would remain a whole day in the
same posture. Others were diviners, and skilled in the
rites to be observed towards the dead, and they wan-
dered as mendicants about the towns and villages. And
yet another class, but more urbane and better nurtured
than these last, was like them occupied with the things
of Hades, in so far at least as they conduced to piety
and a holy life. With some of these Sarmanai the
women are allowed to philosophise^^ under a vow of
chastity. • '^
*3 See on the third and fourth Orders. Menu, vi, 6, etc.
^ Of the Sanyasi, "Let him repair to the lonely wood, coramit-
L
146 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
Another writer, quoted also by Strabo^^ towards the'
close of the same chapter, speaks of the Pranmse^^ (no
doubt for Sramnae as Garmanai for Sarmanai), as of a
class opposed to the Bralimans, as argumentative^^ and
contentious, and as jeering the Brahmans for their love
of physiology and astronomy. They are Mountain or
Gymnete or Political or Eural (Trpoo-^coptot). The Moun-
tain Pramnse are clad in skins, and carry wallets full of
roots and medicaments, and in their cures use charms
and incantations. The Gymnetes as their name implies
go naked, and for the most part live in the open air till
their thirty -seventh year. They admit women to their
society, but both they and the women are strictly
chaste. The PoliticaP* and Eural classes live, the one
in the city and are clad in silks; the other in the
country and "wear for their mantles the liides of
goats."
ting the care of his wife to her sons, or accompanied by her, if she
choose to attend him.*'— i6., 3 §.
'^^ Geogr., XV, I, 70.
^2 In a paper on the Religious Sects of the Hindus, I find that
the late Professor Wilson derives the term Pramnse, from Pra-
mana, proof, and inclines to think that they were Bauddhas ; the
Sarmanai, on the other hand, ascetics generally. As however in
his later years he identified, I believe, the Sarmanai with the
Buddhist Shamans, his great authority can scarcely be brought
to bear against the view I have taken. — As. Ees., xvii, pp.
279-280.
53 So in the legend of Samgha, when in his wanderings he finds
a hermitage with five hundred Eishis, to avoid receiving him they
say one to another, " Continuous de nous livrer a nos occupations
ordinaires : ces Cramanas fils de Cakya sont de grands parleurs."
— Burnouf, ut sup., 323.
54 Menu, vii, 37, and compare 54 and 58, ib.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 147
It would appear from these accounts that the com-
panions of Alexander knew of Brahmans only, Mega-
sthenes and our anonymous author of Brahmans and
Sarmanai, and that they divided the Sarmanai into four
classes. But of these four classes, it seems, that while
the first two in both writers pretty fairly correspond
with one another, the first of one with the second of
the other, the two last have no one point in common,
and can scarcely be intended to represent the same
members of the same society; indeed, the Political and
Eural Pramnse are much more like the Brahmans of
Megasthenes than his Sarmanai — the one to his Brahmans
whose novitiate or student life has ceased ; and the
other to those of them who are philosophers. More-
over the Gymnetes, who go naked and live in the open
air, and the Hylobioi clad in bark and subsisting on
leaves and wild fruits, bear some resemblance indeed to
the Digambara of the Jains^^ and the Brahman Sann-
yasi as painted by Menu, but very little to the Shaman
or Buddhist priest as we know him, who wears and is
obliged to wear a robe of a particular stuff and colour,
and who lives on rice and grain generally, but who is
also permitted when in bad health to eat ghee, oil,
sugar, honey, and even flesh meat.^^ Again, the anony-
mous author speaks of the Pramnae in no very favour-
able terms, much as Brahmans might be expected to
^ In tlie Prabod'h Chandradaya the Digambara is thus de-
scribed : " His disgustful form is besmeared with ordure, his hair
in wild disorder, his body naked and horrible to the view."— Act
III, Taylor's trs.
^6 Hardy, Monachism, p. 92.
148 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FEOM
speak of Buddhists ; but Megastlienes of the Sarmanai
with a respect, an admiration which are so extra-
ordinary for a resident at the court of a Brahminical
sovereign, Chandragupta, that one may very fairly
question whether his Sarmanai were indeed intended
for Buddhist priests.^^
Take now Bardesanes' account. His Brahmans are
hurriedly and superficially sketched, as if his pen had
been guided by a Buddhist hand. His division of them
into Mountain and Eiver^^ is unmeaning — really a dis-
tinction without a difference, for both led the same
ascetic lives in the same sort of solitude. But his
Samanaeoi or Shamans are the Buddhist priests of our
day. He shows us their order open to all who wish to
take upon themselves its duties. But to enter it the
aspirant must give up wife and children and property.
He must shave his body and put on the yellow robe,
and then retire to some vihara^^ where having made
vows of chastity and poverty he lives supported by the
alms of kings and the pious rich, and is thus enabled
s7 (^ramanas, evidently Brahmans, accompany Arjouna on his
twelveyears' retreat in the forest.— Mahabharata, ii, 237. Fauche, tr.
^ Corresponding with the *' Mountain and Plain" Brahmans,
probably, of Megasthenes. — Strabo, ut sujp.
^9 In the early days of Buddhism, according to the " Book of the
Twelve Observances" (Burnouf, ut sup., 304), another mode of life
prevailed. " L' obligation de se retirer dans la solitude des forets,
celle de s'asseoir aupres des troncs d'arbres, celle de vivre en plein
air. . .sont certainement trois regies primitives." — Id., p. 311. Hardy
says, " It was an ordinance of Buddha that the priests, who were
then supposed to dwell most commonly in the wilderness, should,
during the three months of the rainy season, reside in a fized habi-
tation."—Monachism, 282, and Burnouf, 285-6.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 140
to pass his days in prayer and discourse on heavenly
things. His manner of life is decent, orderly, and
temperate even in its austerity, and his retirement is at
once cheerful and improving, and contrasts favourably
with the sullen loneliness of the Brahman. Tor though
the Brahmans have their agraharas^^ where the ordinary
members of their caste are found collected together, and
though the Buddhist ascetic notwithstanding his con-
vents occasionally retires to the solitude of the forest ;
yet is Bardesanes' account of the two priesthoods in
this particular characteristic of the spirit of the two
religions. In it we see the Brahman, who lives by him-
self and for himself, with his strong will conquering
the wants and appetites of his body, but indifferent to
the wants and miseries of his fellows ; and in it the
Buddhist not less earnest in self-sacrifice, but not
neglectful of the social duties, cultivating a kind and
genial nature, and knitting his own good to the good
of mankind.
But Bardesanes also represents both Brahmans and
Shamans as willingly devoting themselves to death by
fire. The self-cremation of widows of the higher castes
was, within even a few years and until forbidden by
law, no uncommon sight in India; but among men,
Brahmans, this sort of death has long fallen into disuse.
History tells of a Calanus, who with much parade and
^ " Agrahara est le nom de tout terrain ou de tout village par-
ticuli^reraent affecte aux Brahmanes. Dans le sud de rindc.on
ne trouve presque pas d'endroit sans un agrahara habite par des
Brahmanes seulement."— Eadja Tarangini, I, p. 348, note. Troyer
trs.
150 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
of Ms own free will died by fire in the presence of
Alexander and his army ; and of a Cumarilla,^^ who to
purify himself from the slaughter of heretical Buddhists
ascended the funeral pile. But in modern times another
form of suicide has been preferred. The Hindu pilgrim
now toils up the snowy heights of the Himalaya to the
sacred source of the Ganges, there to die ; or he
commits himself to its stream, and thus perishes in its
holy waters. He suffers and dies to ensure to himself
a happy birth in his next existence. The Buddhist
also has freely chosen the death by fire as before
Augustus. And if ever Brahmans did so choose to die,
and if these their deaths worked at all on the religious
feelings of the people, I have no doubt that for every
Brahman who so died two Buddhists stepped forward
to die beside him, but with other and higher aims.
They died not for themselves, but for the honour of
their creed. They died as Buddha, who in a former
existence laid himself down before a hungry tiger ; as
the Arya Samgha,^^ who flung himself into the troubled
sea to save the degraded Nagas; as Purna,^^ who to
preach his master's law went forth to an expected
death. They died as they had lived, for others' good.
Their death was but a last and crowning self-sacrifice.
Except in this sense, a voluntary death is contrary to
the spirit of their religion and incompatible with its
duties.
But the Indian ambassadors also told Bardesanes of
61 Tr. Eoyal Asiatic Society, I, 441.
6- Burnouf, Introduction a I'Histoire du Bouddhisme, p. 317.
63 zd,^ ib,^ pp. 253-4.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN.. 151
a lake in their country, known as the Lake of Proba-
tion,^ and of the use they make of it. When any one
is accused of a crime and insists upon his innocence,
the Brahmans ask liim if he will undergo the trial by
water. If he refuse, he is sent away and punished as
guilty. If he consent, they bring him down to this
lake, and to check frivolous or malicious charges they
bring his accusers down with him. Together they go
into the water, which is knee-deep for everybody, and
together pass over to the other side of the lake. The
innocent man walks along without any fear, and is
never wet above the knees ; but for the guilty, the
water rises and rises till it is quite over his head, and
he is then dragged out by the Brahmans, who hand him
over to be punished in any way short of death. The
Indian however rarely pushes matters to this extremity;
he too much fears the ordeal by water.
But besides this lake for voluntary, they have also
another to try both voluntary and involuntary offences ;
in fact to probe a man's whole life. Of this lake Barde-
sanes, and I will quote his very words, has left the
following account: — " In a very high mountain, situated
pretty nearly in the middle of the earth, there was as
he heard a large natural cave, in which was to be seen
^* Trover, in his notes to the Eadja Tarangini, I, pp. 361-66,
describes several sacred and extraordinary fountains in Cashmere
which the credulity of the people, favoured by their distance and
inaccessibility, may have easily worked up into the lakes of Bar-
desanes. See also Ctesias's account of a fountain, the waters of
which became solid, and which when given to drink as water made
one tell everything one ever did. — Photius, 147 and 155.
152 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
a statue,^^ ten or perhaps twelve cubits high, standing
upright with its hands folded crosswise ; and the right
half of its face, its right arm and foot, in a word its
whole right side was that of a man ; its left, that of a
woman ;^ and the indissoluble union of these two in-
congruous halves in one body struck all who saw the
statue with wonder. On its right breast was engraved
the sun, on its left the moon; on its two arms were
artistically sculptured a host of angels, mountains, a
sea and a river together with the ocean and plants and
living things, all that is. And the Indians told him
that God, after he had created the world, gave this
statue to his son^'' as a visible exemplar of his creation.
^ The Eadja-Tarangini has a passage which reminds one of this
cave and statue. " La possession de la jouissance de la beatitude
eternelle devient le partage de ceux qui dans Tinterieur du sanc-
tuaire de Papasudana (qui detruit tout peche) touchent I'image de
bois de I'epoux Uma. La deesse Sandya entretient dans cette
niontagne aride I'eau dans laquelle on reconnait ce qui est con-
forme et ce qui ne Test pas a la vertu et au vice." — I, 32, 33,
Slokas. Of this passage, however. Professor Goldstiicker has
favoured me with the following translation : — " There those who
touch the wooden image of Siva standing in the interior of the
sacred place Papasudana, attain as their reward worldly enjoy-
ment and final bliss, 32. There on the waterless mountain the
goddess of twilight (the wife of Siva) places water to show to the
virtuous that which will benefit (agree with), and to the wicked
that which will injure (disagree with) them," 33.
66 " La reunion de Civa et de Parvati dans un seul corps est le
theme de Tin vocation par laquelle commence chaque livre du
Eadja-Tarangini... Cette forme est I'objet d'une grande veneration
dans rinde. Je rappellerai parmi les images... de I'ile d'Ele-
phanta une statue colossale, representant Civa moitie homme et
moitie femme avec une seule poitrine." — Radj., II, pp. 326, 328.
67 TovTov TOP avbpiavTa (ftaai beSaiKeyai rov deov rcf vlcp 6ir7)viKa top
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 153
And I asked them, adds Bardesanes, of what this statue
was made. And Sandanes assured me, and the others
Kofffjiov cKTt^fv. — Stoboeus, Physica, Gaisford's ed., p. 54. This ex-
pression indicates a Christian author, and indeed Bardesanes has
been identified with the great heresiarch of that name, who lived
in the second and third centuries, and who gained great celebrity
by a work on Fate. In this case the Christian author was still
living (A.D. 218, 222). Porphyry (a.d. 233, 304) says of the Barde-
sanes he quotes, that "he lived in the time of our fathers." But
the Christian Bardesanes presented his book, Cedrenus of the
eleventh century affirms, to Antoninus Pius (a.d. 138, 161), and
Epiphanius (ad. Heres., II, 3G, II, v. p. 477) speaks of him as
faithful to the Church up to the death of Antoninus Yerus (a.d.
169), and of this book as of one of his orthodox works; but this
book, Eusebius (a.d. 324) asserts (Hist. Eccl., iv, 24, 30), he pre-
sented to Marcus Antoninus, and further adds that he wrote it in
consequence of the persecution of the Christians by Marcus (a.d.
107, 177), and about the time Soter, Bishop of Rome, died (a.d.
179). Now between the earliest and latest of these dates, the
death of Antoninus Pius and the accession of Elagabalus, there
elapsed fifty-seven years, and our author must either have been
very young when he wrote his work on Fate, or very old when he
published his Indica. Again, the Edessene Chronicle ( Assemanni,
Bib. Orient., i, p. 47, note, and 389, note), gives the precise date
of his birth, July 11, a.d. 154. On this authority he must have
been seven years old when Antoninus Pius died, and twenty-five
when Soter. And at twenty-five he might have written his book
on Fate, and at sixty-four his Colloquy with the Indian Ambassa-
dors. But of late years this " Book of Fate," or rather " Book of
the Laws of Countries," has been found in the Syriac original, and
in 1855 the Oriental Translation Fund published it in its entirety,
together with a translation by the Eev. Mr. Cureton. The work
is in the shape of a dialogue. Two youths who have been dis-
coursing on " fate, free-will, fore-knowledge absolute," meet with
Bardesanes, and appeal to his superior learning and wisdom. They
address him sometimes as lord-^-a homage paid perhaps to his rank
and relationship with the Abgari — and sometimes as father, a
deference due only to his age and experience. He too alludes and
appeals to former works of his, p. 5. " For it has been said by me
154 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
confirmed liis words, that no man could tell ; that it was
not gold or silver, nor yet brass or stone, nor indeed any
in another place." When he wrote this work, then, he must have
been a man of at least mid age, and either not born a.d. 154, or
his book not written a.d. 179. Again, in the book itself are
allusions which may assist us in fixing its date. In p. 30, " Be-
cause as yesterday the Romans took Arabia and abrogated aU
their ancient laws, and more especially that circumcision with
which they circumcised." Mr. Cureton, Pref. iii, is of opinion that
this passage refers to the conquest of Arabia by Marcus Aurelius
(Lucius Verus), but of such a conquest I find no record, not even
in the titles, Armeniacus, Parthicus, and Medicus, which the
senate so lavishly bestowed on him and which he afterwards
dropped. (Life, Smith's Hist.) But on the other hand, Trajan
fEutropius, viii, 3):— "Arabum regem in fidem accepit," and
•' Arabian! postea in provincise formam redegit." Bat to this
conquest (a.d. 116), could Bardesanes, even a.d. 167, allude as " of
yesterday?" I think not. Severus, however, a.d. 196, again
conquered and reduced Arabia to a province (Eutropius, iii, 18).
** Arabos simul adortus est, in ditionem redegit provincise modo."
Aurelius Victor, xx, 14, 15, " Perearum regem Abgarum subegit,
Arabas in deditionem accepit." Severi, Hist. Spartianus, Hist.
Aug., I, V, p. 157. But if it is of this conquest Bardesanes speaks,
then his book can scarcely have been written till after the death
of Severus (a.d. 211), or in the reign of Caracalla (a.d. 211, 217).
But as any such date is wide of the several dates ascribed to this
work by the early Fathers, and as these dates are themselves wide
of one another and very indefinite, we will examine how far such a
date is consistent with the circumstances. The Edessene Chro-
nicle gives the date of his birth so precisely, that I should be
loath except on evidence to reject it, a.d. 154. His book as we
have seen indicates that it was written at least in mid-age, perhaps
in old age; if written a.d. 214, it would have been written eighteen
years after the conquest of Arabia by Severus — neither too late
nor too early for the " but as yesterday," and when he was sixty
years of age — when he might well quote other works of his own,
and be addressed as lord or father.* But tradition spoke of this
* The several dates in the above notes are at variance with
those generally received. When I suggested them to the late
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAK 155
other known material; but that, though not wood, it
was likest a very hard and sound wood. And they
told how a certain king of theirs had on a time tried to
pluck one of the hairs off from about its neck, and how
he was so struck down with terror, that he hardly reco-
vered his senses and then only after long intercession of
the Brahmans. They said that on its head was the
work as having been presented to Antoninus, and hence the em-
broglio of dates. *" Now Bardesanes, a Syrian and of the Abgari,
could not but know and be known to the Emesene Elagabahis ; and
it is neither, improbable that on Elagabalus's nomination to the
Empire he should present him, evidently of a religious turn of
mind, with a work already of repute and which was Christian
rather because it was catholic, than because it contained any
special Christian doctrine ; nor that when he so presented it, he
should address the Emperor as Antoninus— a name he much
affected and by which he was in Syria generally known. But if
the Christians carefully chronicled the interview of Origen and
Mammcea, is it not probable that they would likewise bruit abroad
the honour conferred on this work of Bardesanes, and associated
too with the name of Antoninus ? But the name of Antoninus as
applied to Elagabalus, can scarcely be said to have ever obtained
in either Greece or Eome — see, however, Capitolini Macrini, vii.
Hist. Aug. Script. — and in Epiphanius' time was probably only
given to Pius and Marcus ; what more natural then than that the
Fathers, when they heard of this presentation copy, should refer it
to one or other of these great Emperors — more especially as the
work was not heretical, and must therefore be a work of Barde-
sanes' younger days ? though so far as that goes, it might just as
well have been written by a Jew as a Christian.
Mr. Cureton, he summarily rejected them. Merx and Hilgenfeld,
in their Monographs on Bardesanes, have, however, approved of
and adopted them. Hilgenfeld entirely, v. Bardesanes d. letzte
Gnostiker, pp. 12 and 28. Merx, with some hesitation, Bardesanes
V. Edessen p. 20, comp. p. 130. Let me add that both are of
opinion that the work cannot be by Bardesanes.
158 IXDIAX EMBASSIES, FROM
image of a god seated as on a throne, and that in the
great heats it would run down with such a sweat, as
would unless stopped by the fanning of the Brahmans
wet the earth around. Well, further on beyond the
statue, it was according to the Indians very dark, and
those who wished to go so far took with them lighted
torches, and went on till they came to a sort of door,
whence a stream of water welling out fell into or formed
a lake in the deepest recesses of the cave. Through
this door those who wish to prove themselves are
obliged to pass. For the pure-minded it opens itself
out very wide so that they enter easily enough, and
within they find a fountain of the brightest and sweetest
water,^ the source of the stream I spoke of. The
wicked however struggle long and vainly to get in, for
the entrance closes in upon them ; at length they are
forced to confess their sins, and to ask the others to
intercede for them, and they are made to fast a long
time.
Sandanes further told, that on a certain day the
Brahmans flock to this place ; that some spend their
lives there, but that others come in the summer and
autumn when fruit is plenty, both to see the statue and
to meet their friends, and to prove their lives by means
of the door. They at the same time examine and
discuss the sculptures on the statue ; for it is not easy
to understand them all, both because of their number,
and because no one country contains all plants and
^ 4»a(Tt Se €^aip€Tov avrois eivai (xiav ■mjyrjv tt\v ttjs aA7j0eta5 iroKv
TravTuu apicrrrju kui deioraTTjv, ^s ovderrore rovs yevcrafj.evovs efJLirnrXaaQai,
Dio Chryso., II, 72.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAK 157
animals. This then is what the Indians relate con-
cerning the ordeal by water.
This Lake of Probation Lassen connects with the
ordeal by water ; one of the ordeals^^ which on a defi-
ciency or absence of testimony is allowed and even
prescribed by the Hindu law (Menu, viii, 190; and
Colebrooke, Hindu Law, I, 503-5). Of the manner in
which these ordeals are performed, Warren Hastings has
given an interesting account in the first volume of the
Asiatic Researches. In that by water, which except in
that it is by water and conducted by a Brahman, re-
sembles in nothing Bardesanes' Lake of Probation — the
accused is made, to stand in water either flowing or
stagnant up to his navel, and then holding the foot of a
Brahman to dive and remain under as long as a man
can walk fifty paces very gently, or till two men have
fetched back two arrows which have been previously
shot from a bow. If, before the man has walked thus
far or the two men have brought back the arrows, the
accused rise above the water, he is condemned ; if not,
acquitted.
In the cave of the second lake, Weber''^ finds the first
Greek notice of a Hindu temple, and Lassen^^ sees one
^ In the Eadja-tarangini, the widow of a Brahman applies tjo
the king to punish the murderer of her husband, and names a
Brahman whom she suspects, but refuses the ordeal by water.
" O radja, cet homme est connu pour ^tre verse dans le fameux art
de Teau, il pent sans crainte arreter le jeu divin." — iv, 94, p. 121,
II, V. Eventually they try the ordeal by flour of rice, and the
Brahman is convicted. " Le roi lui infligea toute punition sauf la
punition de la mort." — 105.
70 Indische Skizzen, p. 86, note.
71 Indische Alterthumskunder, III, 351.
158 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
of tlie cave temples so frequent on the western coast of
the Indian peninsula. The statue he identifies with that
of Siva as Ardhanari, or half-man half- woman, and of
Siva also recognised as the Supreme God. The image
on the head is that of the Ganges, the angels are
Devas, and the characters on his arms are typical of
him as the Creator.'^^ The door and the great sweat he
explains as pious frauds, and the sacrilegious king as a
legend invented and promulgated by priests to secure
the treasures which they habitually deposited within
their statues. On "Weber's conjecture I would observe,
that the cave is a natural cave and seemingly in its
natural state, without pillars or carvings in relief; but
nevertheless a cave which the patient fervour of a re-
ligious idea may hereafter develope into a cave temple.
Lassen's conjectures have an air of probability about
them ; but still it seems to me that the lake and the
cave are each in its kind unique ; that with regard to
the first, we have no indication whatever of its locality ;
and, with regard to the second, the very indefinite one,
'2 A statue of Siva and Parvati united, or as Ardhanari, is in
tlie Elephanta cave. — Moor's Pantheon, p. 98. And in plates 7 and
24 of the same work are representations of Ardhanari, two seated
and one standing. On each side of the united deities are the bull
and tiger, the Nandis of Siva and Parvati respectively, but in pi.
7 interchanged. In all the figures
" From the moon-silvered locks famed Ganga springs ;'*
but in pi. 7 the goddess is seen personally with the serpent's head
over her; all bear the soli-lunar emblem on the forehead, the
drum and trident or sword in the hands, and the collar of flowers
or skulls about the neck ; but on none are to be found the sym-
bolical characters which adorned the statue of Sandanes.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 159
that it is in a very high mountain^^ somewhere near
the centre of the earth ; not therefore in the country
of Sandanes or Sadanes, if he came from Ardjake or
the Malabar coast as Lassen supposes. I cannot but
think that our ambassadors spoke of this lake and
mountain not from knowledge but from hearsay, and
that they repeated stories current in their country,
which they conscientiously believed perhaps, but for
which there was about the same foundation as for that
Fontaine de Jouvence so famous in old romance.
But as between India and the Eoman empire there
never existed any interchange of thought or any
common sympathies, the allusions to India in Eoman
literature are at the most but indications of that curi-
osity which is excited by commercial intercourse. But
that intercourse was in the hands of the merchants of
Alexandria and Palmyra. These cities, situated, one on
the shores of the Mediterranean, the other in the midst
of a desert far inland and halfway between Mesopotamia
and Syria, can scarcely be said to have had any direct
communication with India. They could not be reached
but by a long portage and river navigation : and yet the
facilities which the one as the great seaport of the
78 Perhaps in the north of India, towards Mount Meru, where
also is that cave of Pluto, irapa rois Apiavois tois IvdiKois, described
by ^lian, xvi, 16, with its mystic recesses, its secret paths stretch-
ing deep underground and leading no one knows whither, but
down which, when the people drive them, all sorts of animals wil-
lingly hurry never to return ; though who will may hear the bleat-
ing of sheep, the lowing of oxen, and the neighing of horses,
coming up from the depths of the earth.
160 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
Koman empire afforded to the transit of western mer-
chandise, and the advantages which the other derived
from its proximity to India and the comparatively
small cost at which it obtained and delivered the pro-
ducts of India, gave them the monopoly of Eoman trade
with the East. The Alexandrian route Pliny'^^ has
traced out. At Juliopolis, the river port and a suburb
of Alexandria, our merchants embarked with their
goods, and favoured by the prevailing north wind sailed
up the Canoptic branch of the Nile, and in twelve days
reached Coptos, distant three hundred and three miles,
a city of a mixed population, Egyptian and Arabian,^^
and communicating with the Nile by a canal. Here
they left their boats, and with their merchandize
on camel-back pushed across plains and over mountains
to Berenice, another twelve days' journey, travelling
mostly by night because of the heat, and regulating
their halts by the wells on the road. At Berenice, a
seaport on the southern frontier of Egypt, they met the
fleet intended for India. The ships of which it was
composed were large, well-found and manned, and
carried besides a body of armed men as a safeguard
against the pirates who infested the Indian seas.^^
Erom Berenice, about midsummer time or in the begin-
74 Hist. Nat., vi, 26.
"^^ Kot 7] €IS KOTTTOU dlOOpCC^, TTOKlV K01V7IV AiyVITTKiOV TS KUl ApaficCV.
Strabo, xviii, I, 44.
76 " Sagittariorum coliortibTis impositis : etenim piratse maxinje
infestant." — Pliny, ib. irAet 8e cis ifiiropia ravra fx^yaha irKoia, Peri-
plus, § 56 ; and see also the description of an Egyptian ship in the
Indian trade, from Philostratus' Life of ApoUonius, suj^ra, pp. 49,
50, and note 9, p. 50.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 161
ning of the dog-days, they set sail, and in thirty days
made Ocelis, or Cane, the one on the eastern shore
of the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, the other on the
western coast of Arabia in the frankincense country,
and thence or from Syagrus to the north of Cane they
struck out through the open sea for Muziris, in Pliny's
time the haunt of pirates, or for Necanidon (Nelcyndon)
or Barake, a forty days' sail. At Barake they took in
pepper, which was brought there in native boats from
Cottonara. In the month of December or in the begin-
ning of January they returned taking advantage of the
south-east monsoon, and when they entered the Red
Sea of the westerly wind. So far Pliny. But when he
wrote the trade with India was in its infancy; as it
developed itself, in the marts which Alexandrian ships
most frequented Greek factories^^ were probably esta-
blished to which the merchants consigned their goods,
and which managed all their business with the authorities
and the people. In this way we may account for the
Greek names of towns on the Indian seaboard, and for
77 I have no direct authority for this ; but besides such names
on the Indian coast as Byzantium, found also in the Periplus, etc.,
Ptolemy, speaking of the situation of some Indian town, states
that he has it from those who had resided in the country some
time, rrapa roou ttrrevdev eKTirXeuaavrwv Kai xoovov yrheiaTov unKQavTUv
Touj TOTTous Kai irapa tcdv fKeiOev acpiKO/xevoou irpos ^juas. — Proleg. I, xvii.
And though much later in time, Procopius says of Abraham, whom
the Homerites elected their king, that he was the slave of a
Roman, and lived at Adule as (a ship agent or broker). 'O Se
KfipafjLOS ovros XP^(f'^^°-vos "nv, ^ovXos 5e Poj^atou av^pos, ev iro\fi...ASov-
XiSi fTTt tt; Kara OaKaaaav tpyaaitf Siarptfirjv ex®"''"''*' — ^® Bello Per-
sico, I, 20.
M
162 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
that temple of Augustus near Muziris — if it ever ex-
isted— which appears in the Peutingerian tables.
Of the course of trade to and through Palmyra we
know little. Palmyra we have every reason to believe
had no ships of its own. Arab and perhaps native
vessels brought the produce of India up the Persian
Gulf to the mouth of the Euphrates ; and, if they did
not themselves ascend the river, at Teredon they dis-
charged their cargoes'^^ intended for Vologesia, which
was reached either by land on camels or in vessels of
lighter draught by the river; but in w^hat time — the
distance was nearly two hundred and fifty miles — I am
unable to ascertain. At Vologesia however, a two days'
journey from their city, the merchants of Palmyra took
tip the trade. In its market or fair, held always at
some little distance from the town itself, they met the
Arab or Indian traders, and exchanged with them by
sale and purchase the manufactures of the West for the
goods and produce of India. By this trafl&c Palmyra
silently but so rapidly grew in wealth and power, that
its prince and king, Odenatus, with his own forces and
by his energy and generalship saved the Roman empire,
78 Vide Strabo, xv. III, 5, and Pliny, vi, 22. Very possibly the^
Bailed up to Vologesia itself, for a passage in the Meadows of
Gold of Masoudi, to which Sir Henry Eawlinson called my atten-
tion, speaks of ships from India and China as in the fifth century
of our era lying at Hira, a little to the south-west of Babylon,
247, Sprenger's tr., and Eeinaud's Observations, pp. xxxv-vi, with
note I, Eelations Arabes. With Apologus probably, and with
Omana certainly, the Hindus in the time of the Periplus carried
on a trade in native boats from Barygaza. — Periplus Anonym.,
§36.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN, 163
and for his services to the Eoman state was raised by
Gallienus, A.D. 266, to the title of Augustus J^ At his
death its queen, his widow Zenobia, ventured to throw
off her allegiance to Eome. For a moment she held the
sovereignty of the East,^^ but was at length defeated
and taken prisoner by Aurelian, who at the same time
pillaged and destroyed Palmyra,^^ A.D. 275, and thus put
an end to the Eoman trade with India through the
Persian Gulf.
The Alexandrian trade with India, unlike the Pal-
myrene, was not broken up by any one great catastrophe.
It remained some time stationary ; but from the reign
of Caracalla it rapidly declined, and when Palmyra was
destroyed it was in so languishing a state, that in so
far at least as it was a trade directed and controlled by
Alexandrian merchants it may almost be said to have
died out. Among the circumstances which affected its
prosperity, we may reckon : —
I. The privileges accorded to Palmyra by the Emperor
Hadrian. The comparatively short sea passage of the
Palmyrene route, and the very situation of Palmyra,
must have soon drawn to its markets not only such
commodities as were intended to supply the wants of
the neighbouring districts, but such also as before they
were fitted for consumption required the manufacturing
aid of the great cities of Phoenicia, as e.g. silk, of which
the Indian mart was Nelcyndon, and which, if brought
79 Vide PoUio, Hist. Gallieni. Hist. Aug. Script., x, xii, pp.
90, 92.
80 Vide Zosimus, Lib. I, 440.
8^ Vide M. Aurelianus Vopisci, xxxi. Hist. Aug. Script., II, 176.
164 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
over in its raw state or in the thread/^ was taken to
Berytus or Tyre^^ to be made up into stuffs ; or if in
stuffs, to Tyre or Sidon to be dyed.^* The Palmyrene
route then once opened must have affected the Alex-
andrian trade with India, and must so far have counter-
acted the stimulus given to it, first by Eoman protection,
and afterwards by the discovery of the monsoons, as to
have stayed its further development. But there was
ample room for both, and to spare. The Alexandrian
people however, filled with the jealousy and hate usually
82 If it was brought in stuffs was it re-made ? Pliny, Philemon
Holland's tr. "The Seres kemb from the leaves of their trees
the hoary down — ' Velleraque, ut foliis depectunt tenuia Seres,'
Georgics II, 121 — and when it is steeped in water, they card and
spin it, yea, and after their manner make thereof a web ; where-
upon the dames herewith us have a double labour both of undoing
and also of reweaving again this kind of yarn. See what ado
there is about it ! What labour and toil it costeth, and how far
fet it is, and all that our ladies and wives when they go abroad
in the street may cast a lustre from them and shine again, in
their silks and velvets." — I, p. 124. From this mention of silk
and the Seres we cannot conclude any knowledge of the coun-
try, for in an account of London written in the reign of Henry II,
twelfth century, we are told of the merchandize found there, "the
Seres send purple garments." — Antiquarian Repository, 246, I.
^^ 'Ifiaria ra ck fiera^r]s ev Br}^>vTa> fiiv Kai Tvpcp -noK^ai. rais evi
^oiviKTjs epya^eaOai e/c TraAatou cioodei. ol re tovtwv €/j.Tropoi re Kai cirtdr]-
fitovpyoi Kai TexftTot ivravOa ro avcKadfP (pKOvu, evOevSe re fs "yqv airaaav
<pspea6ai to e.u'ToAijjua tovto ^we^aivev. — Procopius, Hist. Arcana, c.
25, p. 140, and Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv, 9, 7.
^ " Quid lineas ^gypto petitas loquar ? Quid Tyro et Sidone
tenuitate perlucidas micantes purpura, plumandi difficultate per-
nobiles ?" — Vopiscus, Carinus, xx. Hist. Aug. Scrip. That the
stuffs from Tyre and Sidon were of silk, I gather from the " difiicul-
tate plumandi." — X'^'^^^ ^'^ ixera^Tjs cyHaWcoTnauaa-i XP^f^ois Travraxodev
wpaivofxivos, a 5e vevofxr\Kaai TrXovn/xia KaAeiv. — Procopius de ^dificiis,
III, 1, p. 247, and Ammianus MareelL, xiv, 9, 7.
. CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 165
induced by commercial antagonism, assailed with taunts
and sneers and ribald jests those emperors wlio specially
favoured the rival city — Hadrian,^^ who gave it its
privileges, and Caracalla and his mother who were almost
native there. Hadrian heard and despised their abuse ;
Caracalla^^ treacherously and savagely avenged it ; and
his massacre of the people and plunder of the foreign
merchants was a blow from which Alexandria did not
easily recover.
II. The disturbed state of the Eoman Empire from
the death of Alexander Severus, a.d. 235, to that of
Aurelian, a.d. 275. During this dreary period of Eoman
story, Palmyra, almost independent, on a distant fron-
tier, and not subjected to the influences of a turbulent
garrison and an ambitious general, went on to the very
hour of its fall uninterrupted in its career of prosperity.
Under its able chief, from a rich but merely commercial
city, it became a powerful state. Alexandria, on the
other hand, in the very centre of civil discord, was
driven on by its excitable people to take a prominent
part in every, civil war.^^ It itself set up or readily
acknowledged as emperor more than one unsuccess-
85 Vide note 6, p. 127, supra, from the Hist. Aug-. Scrip.
®s Besides Lis massacre of the citizens, he cotnpelled all strangers
to leave the city, except merchants, and to tKeivuu vavTa dirjpnarrdri.
Dio. Cass., c. 22, 77 L. He also took away the Jus Bulentarium
conceded to them by Severus. — Id., c. 17, 51 L.
^~ " Sed Alexandria... internis seditionibus diu aspere fatigata,
ad uUimum multis post aunis Aureliano imperium agente, civili-
bus jurgiis ad certamina interneciva prolapsis, diratisque moenibus,
amisit regionis maximam partem, quae Bruchion appellabatui*,
diuturnum proBstantium hominum domicilium.^' — Amm. Mar., xxii,
16, § 15.
166 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FEOM
ful competitors^ for the imperial purple. Ever on the
losing side, it necessarily suffered much, and was indeed
once taken and held by the forces of Zenobia, and twice
besieged and sacked and its principal and noblest quar-
ter destroyed by Eoman armies.^^ Under such circum-
stances trade was neglected, and that with India as
carried on from a distant port so fell away, that it no
longer found employment for large fleets of large ships, but
was in the hands of a few rich merchants, as Firmus,^^
who probably derived from it more honour than profit.
III. The weakness of the Eoman Empire. It was no
longer able to repel the incursions of the barbarians,
who everywhere pressed upon its ill-guarded frontiers.
And the Blemmyes, a fierce people whose heads once
^ As ^milianus, xxi, Tr. Tyranni Treb. PoUio. Saturninus
and Firmus, vid. Flav. Vopis., Hist. Aug. Scrip., pp. 123, 228, etc.,
pp. ii, V.
^^ Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., vii) tells of the misery and confusion
in Alexandria, a.d. 261, the consequence of sedition and civil war ;
ih., 22, of the plague which afflicted it ; and ih., 32, of its siege
and capture, and the destruction of Bruchium. In the Chron.
Canon., under Claudius, a.d. 273, " Alexandrise suburbium post
diutinam obsidionem summo excidio deletum est." — p. 392, ed.
Maius et Zohrab.
^ Vopiscus dwells on the wealth of Firmus: '' De hujus divitiis
multa dicuntur, nam et vitreis quadraturis, bitumine aliisque
medicamentis insertis, domum indurisse perhibetur; et tantum
habuisse de chartis, ut publice ssepe diceret, exercitum se alere
posse papyro et glutino. Idem et cum Biemyis societatem maxi-
mam tenuit et cum Saracenis ;" and then adds, " naves quoque ad
Indos negotiator ias scepe misit : ipse quoque dicitur habuisse duos
dentes elephant! pedum denum." — ib., 230, p. II. Vopiscus de-
scribes the wealth of Firmus in so far as it was extraordinary,
rare, and with this classes his ships to India. After him I cannot
anywhere find that ships went from Alexandria to India.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 167
did grow beneath tlieir shoulders,^^ so infested the
neighbourhood of Berenice, that Firmus — one of the last
of the Alexandrian merchants who sent ships to India —
no doubt from motives of interest sedulously culti-
vated their friendship. They seem to have occupied
Coptos and Ptolemais, for Probus^^ (a.d. 279) is said to
have recovered these towns from them. But with Cop-
tos— the town where portage on the route to India
either began or ended — in the hands of a savage race,
Alexandrian trade with India if not diverted into some
other channel was impossible ; and that for the present
it came 'to a stand the wretched state of Alexandria and
Rome leads us to believe; but that in time Indian
trade again flowed into Alexandria, though under other
conditions and by other means than of old, I shall en-
deavour to show in another paper.
91 "Blemrayis capita absunt vultus in peetore est." — Pomp.
Mela., I, viii, 60. But Eome was able to form a more correct
opinion of them after the triumph of Aurelian in which they
figured: "praetor captivos gentium barbarum, Blemyes...Indi,
Bactriani, Saraceni, Persae."— Vopiscus, ih., 178, II. The Indi
and Bactriani must have been captives from Palmyra.
92 Vopiscus, Probus xvii, ib., 221, II.
ON THE
INDIAN EMBASSIES TO EOME.
Part II.
ON
THE IISTDIAN EMBASSIES TO EOME,
FROM THE KEIGN OF CLAUDIUS TO THE DEATH
OF JUSTINIAN.
PART II.
After the fall of Palmyra and the many disasters
which about this time overwhelmed Alexandria, the far
east ceased to occupy the Eoman mind or much place in
Eoman literature. India and the name of Buddha are
however to be met with in Christian controversial writ-
ings of the third and fourth centuries directed against the
Mauichaean heresy. They occur, in Archelaus' account
of his disputation with the heresiarch Manes held at
Charra in Mesopotamia^ (a.d. 275-9), in the Catecheses
of Cyril of Jerusalem (a.d. 361), and in the heresies of
Epiphanius (a.d. 375), which aU trace back the Mani-
chsean doctrine to one Scythianus and his disciple Tere-
1 Vide Archelai et Manetis Disputatio : ed. Zacagnii, p. 1, pp.
93-4. This work written originally in Syriac I refer to, because it
is Cyril's and Epiphanius's authority for their notices of Scythianus.
Cyril says this heresy sprang up in the reign of Probus (a.d. 276-
82), Catechesis, vi, 20. Cedrenus, a mere copyist and a bungling
copyist, makes Manes a Brahman and identical with Scythianus,
& Kai ^Kvdtafos ^tyonevos $pa)(fxavrjs r)v ro ytvos, but he gives him
Boi/8as, formerly Terebinthus, for a teacher, to whom he ascribes
the four Manichsean books. Hist. p. 455, I, Bonn ed.
172 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FEOM
bintlius, wliom they connect with India in this wise.
Scythianus, of Scythian descent, but by birth a Saracen
of tlie Saracens of Palestine and thus familiar with the
Greek language and literature,^ was a merchant engaged
in the India trade. In the course of his business he had
several times visited India, and while there, being a
man of an inquiring mind and great natural parts,^ had
made himself acquainted with the Indian philosophy.*
In his maturer years, having amassed great wealth, he
returned homeward, and at Hypsele^ in the Thebais, fell
in with an Egyptian slave girl,^whom he bought and mar-
ried, and who persuaded him to settle in Alexandria.^
Here he applied himself to the study of and mastered
the Egyptian learning,^ and here formed those peculiar
2 ^Kv9iavov...aTro rr)s Sapa/fTjfT;? bofioiixivov Kara 5e to repfxara tt^v
HaKaiffTtjvrjs, tout' ((tti ev rr) ApaBia, avaTpa<l>€UTO$' ovto^ 6 2,KvOiavos fV
TOis ifpoiiprifJiivois 701T015 TTttiSeuOets ttji/ 'EWrji'cov 'yXoiaaav nat TTjf ruv
ypafifxaTcop avrwu traihuav. Epiphan. Ad. Hseres, L. II, Tom. II,
H£B., m, § i, p. 618, I. V.
3 " Valde dives ingenio et opibus sicut hi qui sciebant eum per
traditionem nobis quoque testificati sunt." Archelaus, ih.
4 Epiphanius, wbo writes with theological bitterness throughout,
alone alludes to his Indian acquirements, but makes him little
better than an Indian juggler : Kai yao kui yorjs t^v otto ttjs rmv Iv^wv
Kai AiyuTTTUv Kai fQvofivQov auiptas, ih., § 3.
^ irhovTcp iroWcp eirapdeis Kai KTrjuairip T^hucrixaroDU Kai tois aWois rois
arro ttis IvSias, Kai eKdcov irepi Trjv 0/j)8at5a ets "Viprj^V^- Epipb., ib., § 2.
6 According to Ai*chelaus " quandam captivam accepit uxorem,
de Thebaide," u.s. According to Epiphanius, he took her from a
common brothel : aviAo/ieuos tout' ano rov areyuvs {farrjKf yap t) Toiaurri
tu rri iroKvKoivcp aire/ivoTijTt ) €TeKadea9rj rep yvvaip, ib., p. 619.
' " Quse eum suasit habitare in iEgypto magis quam in desertis,"
ib., and Cyril, C. vi, c. xxii, ttj^ A\€^uv5pfiav oucrjo-av, he thus locates
him in Alexandria. Ib., p. 184, I. Eeischl, ed.
8 " In qua provincia cum . . . habitaret, Egyptiorum sapientiam
didicisset." Archelaus, ib.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 173
opinions wlncli with the assistance of his one disciple
and slave, Terebinthus, he embodied in four books,^ the
source of all Manichaean doctrine. Here too he heard
of the Jewish Scriptures ; and wishing to converse with
the Jewish doctors^^ he set forth with Terebinthus for
Jerusalem, and in Jerusalem met and in a scornful and
self-willed spirit disputed with the Presbyters of the
Church, and there after a short time died.^^ At his
death, Terebinthus either inherited or seized upon his
books and other wealth, and hurrying to Babylon pro-
claimed himself learned in the wisdom of Egypt.^^ He
9 Epiphanius, § 2 ih., and Cyril assert tliat Scythianus wrote
these books; Arcbelaus on the other hand, that Terebinthus was
their author. These books Mysteriorum, Capitulorum, Evangelium,
(ov XP^^'''""'"^ pa^fi^ Trepiexofra, Cyril, ib.) et novissimum omnium
Thesaurum appellavit." Archelaus, ih.
^'^ EireiS/; Se cKriKuei ttcos ol npo^rjrat Kai 6 vo/jios inpi ttjs rov Koafiov
cvaraaews, etc. Epiphanius, ib., § 3: " I'lacuit Scythiano discurrere
in Judseam, ut ibi congrederetur cum omnibus quicunque ibi vide-
bantur doctores." Archelaus, ib. Cyril merely mentions that he
■went to Judsea and polluted the country by his presence ; /cot
XvixfivaaQai ttji' x^P°^^i '^^•
^^ 'O irpos Tovs e/fejo-6 T]p(a$VTepov$ avrifiaWeiv Tjp^aro. Epiphanius
L. II, III, p. 620, places all this in the time of the Apostles, wept
TOWS x^ofoi/s Twv AirmoXoop, quite impossibly.
12 Epiphanius will have it that he fell from the house-top and so
died — the death also of Terebinthus. Archelaus merely says that
arrived in Judea he died ; and Cyril, that he died of a disease sent
by the Lord, rov voacf Bavarwras b Kvpios, ib.
13 Terebinthus dicens omni se sapientia iEgyptiorum repletum
et vocari non jam Terebinthums ed alium Buddam nomine, sibique
hoc nomen impositum, ex quadam autem virgine natum se esse,
simul et ab Angelo in montibus enutritum." — Archelaus, p. 97.
Epiphanius asserts that he took the name of Buddha, ha /xtj Kara-
^wpos yevTjT at, ib. Cyril, omitting the virgin birth, that he took it
because he was known and condemned in Judea for his doctrine.
174 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
also took the name of Buddha [BovBBa^, Buddas), and
gave out that he was born of a virgin, and had been
brought up on the mountains by an angel.^*
Some years after Epiphanius (died a.d. 401), Hiero-
nymus (died a.d. 420) incidentally notices the birth of
Buddha. Having enlarged on the honour in which
virginity has ever been held, and how to preserve it
some women have died, or how to avenge its enforced
loss others have killed either themselves or their
ravishers, he goes on to say, that among the Gymnoso-
phists there is a tradition, that Buddha the founder of
their philosophy was born from the side of a virgin.^^
Of these writers Hieronymus is the only one who
directly refers to the Indian Buddha, and of ancient
writers is the first who correctly narrates the manner of
ih.y § 23. But Petrus Siculus, a.d. 790, and Photius, 890, give
lurther details : 'O /xev ^KvOiauos fToK/x-qae narepa eavrou oponaaar 6
8e BovSSas vtov lou &eou Kai IlaTpos, ck irapdevov 5e yeyeuriadai Kai €V tois
optaiv auarp6(pea6ai. 'Odev Kai ScuSewa nadrjTai 6 auTi\piaros tt/s irAoyrjs
KTjpvKas air«TT€iXfv. ' Reischl, note to Cyril, ib.
14 Besides this Buddha, Terebinthus, there is a second Buddas,
Baddas, or Addas, one of the twelve disciples of Manes, who
preached his doctrine in Syria ; and a third Bud or Buddas Perio-
dutes, who lived a.d. 570. " Christianorura in Persidi finitimisque
Indiarum regionibus curam gerens. Sermonem Indicum coluisse
dicitur, ex quo librum Calilagh et Damnagh ( Kalilah va Dimna,
de bonis moribus et apta conditione animi, Geldemeister de Eebus
Ind.,p. 104) Syriace reddidit." — Asseman. Bib. Orientalis, III, zl9,
but as the work had been already translated into Persian by order of
Choroes (a.d. 531-579) " Syriacam versionem proxime post Per-
sicam fecit Bud Periodutes." — Asseman., ib., p. 222.
1= Contra Jovianum Epistolas, Pt. I, Tr. II, c. 26: "Apud
Gymnosophistas inde quasi per manus hujus opinionis traditur
auctoritas, quod Buddam principem dogmatis eorum e latere suo
virgo generavit."
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAIT. 175
Buddha's birth from the side of his mother ; and yet
his notice of him is by no means so full and satisfactory
as that of Clemens, written some two centuries before.
YoT Clemens described Buddha as a man and moral
lawgiver, and as a man raised to deity by his own su-
preme majesty and the reverence of his followers, shortly
indeed, but how truth fully and characteristically! when
compared with Hieronymus, who knows him as the
founder of the Gymnosophists, i.e., of the Hindu philo-
sophy, which is as much as if a Hindu should see in
Mahomet the author of the western religions.
Again, Hieronymus gives Buddha a virgin mother.
But a virgin mother is unknown to the Buddhist books
of India and Ceylon, and belongs — derived perhaps
from some Chinese or Christian source — to the bastard
creed of the Buddhists of Tartary.^^ Under any circum-
^6 According to tlie Nepaulese " Neither Adi Buddha nor any of
the Pancha Buddha Dhyani...were ever conceived in mortal womb,
nor had they father or mother, but certain persons of mortal
wiowl(i have attained to such excellence... as to have been gifted
with divine wisdom. ..and these were...Sakya Sinha," Hodgson,
Buddhist Eel., p. 68. And the Thibetan books from the Sanskrit,
among the qualities required of the mother of Buddha place this
one: "elle n'a pas encore enfante," to which Foucaux appends
this note : " Mais il n'est pas dit qu'elle sera vierge." Hist, de
Bouddha, tr. de Foucaux. The Sinhalese : " Our Vanquisher was
the son of Suddhadana and Maya," Mahawanso, Turner, p. 9, Up-
ham, p. 25. Indeed the Virgin mother seems strange to the
Indian mind, vide Birth of Parasu-Eama, Maurice, Ant. Ind., II,
93, and of Chrishna, Harivansa Lect. 59, Langlois. According to
the Mongols, " Soudadani...epou3a Maha-mai, qui, quoique vierge,
con9ut par I'influence divine un fils le 15 du dernier mois d' ete,'*
Klaproth, Mem. sur I'Asie, II, p. 61. Whether, however, the idea
was borrowed from the Christians by the Tartars, or whether it is
original among them may bo a question. For I find among the
176 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
Stances this dogma of Tartar Buddhism^^ could scarcely
have reached Hieronymus ; and he here writes, it may
be presumed, on the authority of Archelaus or Epi-
phanius and confounds through ignorance theManichaean
with the Indian Buddha.
With regard to the Buddha of Archelaus, Cyril and
Epiphanius, when we remember the many points of at
least superficial resemblance between Buddhism and
Christianity and the proselytising spirit of both reli-
gions, we may well wonder that so few of the early
Christian fathers have known the name of Buddha ; and
that of these few Archelaus and his copyists have so
little appreciated its religious significance, that they
speak of it merely as of a name assumed by Terebin-
thus, and so assumed Epiphanius asserts, because it is
the Assyrian equivalent of the Greek word Tere-
binthus.^^ They in fact connect the Manichsean heresy
with India,^^ not through the name of Buddha, but
Mongols that Alankava, the ancestress of three great Tartar
tribes, after a certain night vision, "se trouva fort surprise de
cette apparition; mais elle le fut beaucoup plus, lorsqu'elle apper-
9ut qu'elle etait grosse sans qu'elle eut connu aucun homme.'*
Alankava. Diet. Orient., D'Herbelot; but see Observations, iv,
p. 339, id. And of the great Lao Tseu, who is somewhat anterior
to Buddah, the Chinese believe that his mother conceived him
impressed " de la vertu vivifiantedu Ciel et de la Terre." Mailla,
Hist, de la Chine, xiii, p. 571.
17 Indeed I suspect that the Tartars were not at this time
Buddhists, for of the Buddhist faith Klaproth writes, " elle n'a
commencee a se repandre au nord de I'Hindoustan que a.d. 60;
et beaucoup plus tard (the 7th century, id., p. 88), dans le Thibet
et dans les autres contrees de I'Asie Centrale," u. s., p. 93.
^* TepT]Bii^^duv...jxeTOPOiJLaa6cvTos Boi/SSa Kara rrju Aaavpiocv yKcaaaav,
Epiph., ih.
19 "Error quoque Indicus Manetem tenuit qui duo pugnantia
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 177
tlirongli Scythianus and his Indian travels and famili-
arity with Indian learning.
But if the Indian Buddha was unknown to Archelaus,
he certainly was not unknown to Scythianus, who took
the name, prohably because it was symbolical of his own
mission, and of himself as destined to inaugurate a new
era in the history of mankind; and because by it he
connected his own system of religion, which was eclectic
and conciliatory, with the religions of the East. But
this notwithstanding, Manichaeism, the Gnostic perhaps
excepted, is that scheme of Christianity with which the
Buddhist faith has the least afi&nity. For the Mani-
chsean was an essentially speculative, metaphysical
creed, or rather a philosophy from and to which a reli-
gion and morality were derived and attached, and of
which Manes was but the author and expounder.
Buddhism on the other hand spite of its real atheism
and its Nirvana is a religion eminently practical, formal,
and ritual, of which Buddha is the great central sun,
and his example, wisdom, and precepts, the world
wherein his followers live, move, and have their being.^^^
numina introduxit/' Eplarem Syrus from Assemann, thoug-li as
Assemann very justly observes the two hostile deities are evidence
not of an Indian but a Zendian origin.
20 See, however, Lassen, Ind. Alterthumsb., Ill, p. 406, who
finds traces of the influence of Buddhism in the religion of Manes.
1st. In the two opposite principles of Manichaiisin. 2nd. In its
account of the world's origin. 3rd. In the laws which it supposes
determine the several existences of individual souls in their pro-
gress towards final emancipation ; and 4th. In its final destruction
of the world. But without denying that these dogmas may have
been borrowed from Buddhism, it must be allowed that they may
just as probably be the result of independent thought, applied to
N
178 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
These notices relating to Biidcllia and extending over
some century and a half, I have thrown together for
convenience sake and because they show that Eoman
knowledge of India and Indian matters was on the
decline. I return now to the times immediately suc-
ceeding the fall of Palmyra.
It would be absurd to suppose that tlie destruction of
Palmyra however much it affected put an end to the
Indian trade through the Persian gulf. That would
find new channels for itself and live on so long as it
proved remunerative to the carriers and merchants
engaged in it. It seems in fact as we gather from a
passage of Amimianus Marcellinus to have been trans-
ferred to Batne. This Batne situated at no great
distance from the Euphrates, about sixty miles north of
Thapsacus, and a day's journey from Edessa,^^ was when
Strabo and even Ptolemy wrote a place of so little im-
portance that it escaped their notice ; in the reign of
Constantius some seventy-three years after the fall of
Palmyra Ammianus describes it as a rich commercial
the great problems of which they are one of a very limited num-
ber of solutions.
21 "Ab Euphrate flumine brevi spatio disparatur." Am. Marc,
X, 2, iii, iro\t(Tna fnv Ppaxv kui \oyov ovSevos a^iop, rjfxepas Se 65(f Edcaarjs
Siexoy- Procopius de Bel. Persico, II, 12, 209. Asseman (I, 2S3) in
the opening chapters to his life of S. Jacob Sarugensis has collected
agooddeal of information about Batne, yet strange to say, he makes
no mention of Ammianus Marcellanus' notice of it, far the most
important of all that have come down to us, and confounds with
it a Batne in Chalcis, which Julian so pleasingly describes in a
letter zo Libanius, Epistola xxvii. Of tJie Batne, for he visited it
also, he could have had no such pleasing an impression. Am.
Mar. xxiii, II.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 179
city, and as celebrated for its great fair which took
place in the early part of September and was frequented
by merchants and all sorts of people from every part of
the world, who crowded thither to trade for the products
and wares of India and the Seres. How many years
after the ruin of Palmyra passed away before Batne
reached this height of prosperity we have no means of
ascertaining; btit however rapid its growth, its decay
must have been almost as rapid, for in less than two
centuries its wealth and glory were already forgotten
and Procopius contemptuously mentions it as a small
and insignificant town,^^
We now turn to Eufinus, born A.D. 330, died a.d.
410, and his short notice of the Indian travels of Metro-
dorus and Meropius.^^ He speaks of them as philoso-
phers, and of their having gone to India for the purpose
of seeing its towns and country, and the world gene-
rally.2* He tells besides of Meropius, that he was a
Tyrian and travelled, stirred by the example of Metro-
dorus; that he took with him ^desius and Frumen-
22 Zosimus speaking too of Julian's visit, calls it an insignificant
town, TToKixviov ri. Hist. 1. iii, c. 12. From Asseman, u. s., it
would seem as if Batne rose or fell according as Persians and
Romans were at peace or at war with each other. He shows how
it flourished under St. James of Sarug, and there was then peace
between Chosroes and the Romans.
23 Hist. Eccles,, L. I, c. ix.
24 " Inspiciendorum locorum et orbis perscrutandi gratis ulteri-
orem dicitur Indiam penetrasse." ih. Schrockh however sends
Meropius to Ethiopia only ( Kirschengeschichte, vi, 24, as also
Socrates, a.d. 439, Hist. Eccles., I, xv, and Sozomen, a.d. 446, II,
xxiii), though both evidently writing on the authority of Rufinua.
Their India interior is from the context clearly Ethiopian.
180 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
tins, lads, "piierulos," liis relations and pupils, and that
after he had examined and observed every thing in
India that was noteworthy,^^ he and his wards took
ship to return home. He goes on to say, that on the
way their w^ater and provisions failed them, and that
they made for an Ethiopian port ; and that the inhabi-
tants happening to be at variance with Eome, seized
the ship and massacred all the crew and passengers
save Frumentius and ^desius, whom for their youth's
sake they spared, and presented to the king. He adds,
that in the course of time the king died, and that his
widowed queen entrusted his one infant son and suc-
cessor, together with the government, to the care of
Frumentius, who in fact ruled the country till the king
came of age, when he gave up his trust and authority
together, and asked, and with difficulty got, permission
to return to his native land. That he then came to
Alexandria, and there visited Athanasius, not long be-
fore consecrated its bishop, a.d. 336, and that to him he
spoke of the spread of Christianity in Ethiopia, and his
labours in its cause ; and was by him induced to accept
the see of Auxume, the first Ethiopian bishopric.
With the visits of these Eoman travellers we may
connect an Indian embassy ,2^ which reached Constan-
tinople in the last year of Constantine's life, a.d. 336-7,
25 « igitur pervisis et in notitiam captis his quibus animus
pascebatur." — ih.
26 iv^aov rwp irpos aviaxovra r]\iov rrpea fie is... So/pa KO(xt^ovTes..,a Se
irpoff'qyov Tw fiaariXd, ttjv €ts ( avrctiv) coK^avov Sr]\ovvTes avrov KparrjaiV
KOiojs ul rwv Ii/Sajj/ X'^P**^ Kadrjyffioves eiKovcov ypacpais, avdpiauTCct/ r' avrov
avaQr]fxaai Tinupres, avTOKparupa Kai fiaaiXea yvwpt^eiv ufxoKoyuvv. —
Eusebius, de Vita Constant., L. iv, c. 50.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 181
and broiiglit with it strange animals, and all sorts of
brilliant and precious stones. These the ambassadors
presented to Constantine, in token that his sovereignty-
extended to their ocean. They told him too of pictures
and statues dedicated to him by the Princes of India
who thus acknowledged him as their autocrat and
king.
I have no doubt whatever that its many and often
successful wars with Persia, and its large and continued
demand for the products of the East had magnified
throughout India the wealth and power of the Eoman
Empire; and I understand how the appearance of
Eomans at their courts might probably induce the
Hindu kings to express, by an embassy, their respect
and friendly feelings for the Eoman Emperor; but I
cannot easily believe that any independent princes
should, of their ow^n motion and with no prospect of
gain, thus hurry to bow themselves before Eoman
supremacy. In the lowly homage attributed to them,
I trace the flattery of court interpreters and court news-
men, who would thus raise Constantine to a level ^vitli
Augustus, as his court-poets had before raised Augustus
to a level with Alexander.
To return to the travellers, Ammianus Marcellinus^^
(and he refers to some Book of his History now lost,
where the matter was treated at length), in defending'
Julian against those who charged him with having
instigated the Persian war, asserts that that war was
^ XXV, iv. " Sciaiit...non Julianum sed Constantium ardores
Parthicos succendisse cum Metrodori mendaciis avidius acquiescit,
ut dudum retulimus plane.'*
182 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
brought on by Constantius, who too rashly gave credit
to the falsehoods of Metrodorus. ISTow this Metrodorus,
Cedrenus, of the eleventh century, has identified with
the Metrodorus of Eufinus. He tells us of him, that he
was Persian-born and pretended to philosophy ; that he
travelled to India and the Brahmans, and made for and
introduced among them water-mills and baths ; and that
by his strictly ascetic life, he won their confidence and
respect, and was admitted into the very penetralia of
their temples, whence he stole pearls and other precious
stones. These jewels, together with others entrusted to
him by the Hindu king as presents for the Eoman
Emperor, he offered to Constantine as gifts from himself,
and at the same time gave him to understand that the
Persians had seized and appropriated a parcel of other
jewels which he had sent overland. On this, Constan-
tine wrote curtly to the Persian king, and receiving no
answer, put an end to the peace between them.^^
Valesius is of opinion that Cedrenus has here given
us those falsehoods of Metrodorus which produced the
Persian war, and the falsehoods to which Marcellinus
referred. But I w^ould observe : —
28 T^ fiai gT-ft 7-fjj jSao'iAewy rov K(avaravTivov...MriTpo^wpos ris ITepco-
yevTjs Trpoairon](Taii€uos (piKo(To<peiv airrjXdev tv Iv8iav kui rovs fipaxixavas,
Kai XRVf^f'^h^vos eyKpareia. iroWr] yeyoveu avrois ae^aaros. eipya^ero 56
vdpojJLvAovs Kai hovrpa, /J.^Xf"' '''ore fin] yvupi^opava -nap avTois. ovtos ev
Tois advTois us €v<Te&ris eicriuv KiOovs jifxiovs ..ifcpei\€To. cAo^e Se kui itapa
rov j8o<n\6ws ruv Ivdoov waie tip PacriXei Sapa KOniaai. . .Kai. . .SedooKe ravra
&s iSia Tcp fiaaihti. Qav/xa^ovTi Se oi/Ty ecprj Kai aWa Sia yrjs ir poire fi^pai,
aW* ttcpaipedrjuai vno Uepacov. ypa<pei ovv airoTopLUS Kuvaravrivos, irpos
'2airupr]v anoaraArjvai avra Kai Ss^a/jievos ovk avTaire<TTei\€' hia rovro e\vQr]
7] iip'nvq.—Cedien.i Synop., Hist., pp. 518-7, I, Bonn ed.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 183
1st. That Cedrenus' Metrodorus played not upon
Constantius, but upon Constantine.
2ad. That while Cedrenus accounts for the Persian
war w^hich broke out A.D. 336-7, Marcellinus alludes to
that begun a.d. 357 ; that during wdiicli Constantius
died. For had he been speaking of the first war, as his
object was to exculpate Julian from having instigated
it, instead of looking about for Metrodorus and his lies,
he would merely have pointed to the date of Julian's
birth, A.D. 331,2^ and the accusation would of itself have
fallen to the ground. The Metrodorus of Cedrenus
cannot be the Metrodorus of Marcellinus.
But how about the Metrodorus of Marcellinus and
Eufinus ? If we turn to Eufinus' notice of Frumentius,
we find that he was consecrated Bishop^^ of Ethiopia
about A.D. 326. If we weigh well the adventures of his
life from the day he left Tyre, to that in which he
landed in Alexandria, we cannot surely crowd them into
a less space than twenty-five years. He will then have
set out for India about a.d. 302, and Metrodorus, who
preceded him, about A-D. 300. But Metrodorus, already
known as a philosopher, must have been at the very
least twenty-five years old, and above eighty- three
w^hen (a.d. 357) with gratuitous and purposeless false-
hoods he stirred up war between Persia and the Eoman
Empire. Malice, no doubt, belongs to every age ; but
this kind of malice at such an age is not probable — more
^ V. Smith's Greek and Eom. Biographical Diet., Julianus.
30 According to Theophanes, ninth century, Meropius in the
time of Constantine was the first Apostle of the Ethiopians, Fru-
mentius their first Bishop.— Chronog., p. 35, Byz. Hist., Bonn ed.
184 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FEOM
probable is it that the Metrodorus of Euiinus is other
than the Metrodorus of Marcelliuus.
But how if Cedrenus' and Kufinus' Metrodorus were
one and the same ? Cedrenus, I have little doubt,
thought to identify them. And as he brings his hero
to Byzantium, and before Constantine, a.d. 327, his
Metrodorus and Eufinus' not only bear the same name,
but are cotemporaries, and had both visited India ; but
here all resemblance ends. The Metrodorus of Eufinus
was a philosopher and not unknown ; Cedrenus', with
a Greek name, was a Persian and a charlatan. How,
besides, if they were identical, account for the silence of
Eufinus as to the adventures of a man who had become
famous or infamous, and who must have been known to
his informant, ^Edesius, at least by report ? A gossiping
historian, (I hasten to admit that his gossip is strictly
ecclesiastic and religious), I do not believe that Eufinus,
had he known it, would willingly have let die this
story of a Persian and a philosopher ; a heathen almost
certainly, and if a Christian probably a heretic, from
which so pleasing a moral might have been drawn. No,
the Metrodorus of Cedrenus stands by himself, his own
clumsy creation probably.
But, again, as to Eufinus himself. His chronology is
always loose and vague enough at the best, but in this
his notice of Frumentius, as gathered from the lips of
^desius, Prumentius' friend and companion, one might
expect some approach to accuracy. Now, reasoning on
his own data, I have approximately fixed on the year
A.D. 302, confirmed by Tillemont^^ as the year in which
3' Hist, des Empereurs, notes sur Constantin, n. Ixiii.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 185
Meropius, with his wards, set out for India. But
Valesius^^ and Xeander,^^ while accepting Eufinus' date
for the ordination of Frumentius, refer to a letter of the
Emperor Constantius to Aizana and Sazana, kings of
Auxume, which is quoted at length by Athanasius in his
Apologia, and from which it would seem that Frumentius
was ordained or consecrated to Auxume,^ while Atha-
nasius was being judged and condemned for heresy at
Antioch, a.d. 355-6. Hence a difficulty w^iich Baronius
solves, cutting the Gordian knot with a vengeance, by
supposing two Frumentius's, the one a Bishop of
Ethiopia, the other of Auxume,^^ but which is in general
slurred over by the historian, who satisfies himself with
just mentioning this discrepancy of dates and then
quietly assuming that Eufinus' is the correct one. But
how stands the case ? On the one side, we have an
official letter from a Eoman emperor to the two kings of
Auxume, implying the recent ordination of their bishop,
and we have that letter quoted, and so far silently ac-
quiesced in, by the ordaining bishop. On the other
^ y. Valesii Hist. Eccl., Socratis, p. 9.
33 Kirchengescliichte, II, p. 256.
8* Constantii Tyrannis Auxura., Epist. in tlie Apologia Athanasii
ad Constantium. Constantius after insisting on the necessity for
a unity of faith advises the kings to send Frumentius back to
Alexandria, there to submit his life and doctrine to the Ven.
Bishop George and the other Egyptian bishops, lare yap ^rjirou
Kai fitfxvr](Tde.,.6Ti rov ^pu/xevriov rovrov eis ravTrfv rrjv ra^iv rov fiiou
Kari(jTr)(Tiv Adavaaios fxvpiois evoxos wv kukois, us ovStv rotv . . .iyKX-q^iaruv
...SiKaius icx^v iwiKvaaaOai, axniKa Tr}S fx€v KadeSpas €Kir€irTa>K6.
85 Theophanis Chronog., p. 346, speaks of the Auxumites E|ou-
Hiroov as Jews and converted to Christianity in Justinian's time,
in consequence of a vow made by their King Adad, to become
Christian should he conquer Damiau the Homerite king.
186 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
side, we have Eufiniis' reminiscences, wliicli are but the
reflection of what -^desius himself remembered and
told.26
What credit then is due to ^desius ? Schrockh
tells of Eufinus,^'' that he was born in Concordia, almost
on the Adriatic, about a.d. 330 ; that he was baptised
in 371 ; that shortly afterwards at Alexandria he made
the acquaintance of a noble Eoman lady, Melania,^
whom in a.d. 378 he accompanied to Jerusalem, and
then first visited Palestine. At or about this time he
must have known ^desius, priest at Tyre. But
^desius, if "puerulus" in 302,^^ was in 378 much past
eighty, though Eufinus makes no allusion to his age,
and his memory, especially as regards dates, could not
have been very bright and clear. Between his authority
then and that of a royal letter who could hesitate, would
also hesitate between Fox's Book of Martyrs and an Act
of Parliament.
But, if we accept the letter, we must set aside
^^ Quae nos ita gesta, non opinione vulgi sed ipso ^desio Tyri
presbytero postmodum facto, qui Frumentii comes prius fuerat,
referente cognovimus, x, ix, c.
3~ Kirchengesch. x, pp. 12-14; the Art. Eufinus, in Smith's
G. and R. Biographical Diet., v. Eufinus — might be a translation
of Schrockh's account.
38 In his Lausiaca Hist, cxix, Palladius has given a life of Mela-
nia, and how the east and west, north and south were not un-
knowing of her charities. His next chapter is directed to another
Melania, a niece of the first, which I recommend to those who
would wish to know something of the wealth and possessions of a
Eoman lady.
39 Socrates, unde edoctus nescio, calls the children vai^apia...
'E\\-nvtKr)5 ovK ufioipa ha\eKTrjs, more than ten years of age probably.
Hist. Eccl., ut sup.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 187
CeJrenus* narrative as apocryphal, and Eufinus' dates
as incorrect ; and as Atlianasius was condemned by the
Arian Council of Aries, A.D. 353, and finally deposed by
that of Milan, a.d. 355 f^ but seems to have ordained
and consecrated Frumentius while yet only under the
imputation of heresy ; I conclude that he ordained and
consecrated Frumentius between the years 352 and 354
A.D. ; and allowing, as we have done, twenty-five years
for the events of his life, he will have set out for India
under the guardianship of Meropius about a.d. 327-8,
but whether immediately after, or as Valesius supposes
on the return of, Metrodorus, we have no means of
ascertaining.
But if we put aside Eufinus' date, what about his
facts ? Both from his narrative and the royal letter, we
gather that at Auxume there were many Christians, and
that the Government also was Christian. But here all
agreement ends. The letter is addressed to two kings,
the joint sovereigns of Auxume ; the narrative knows of
but one king, the ward from his childhood of Frumen-
tius, and shows a state of things scarcely compatible
with a double sovereignty ; unless indeed we assume
that this double sovereignty was the result of a revolu-
tion which broke out in the short interval between
Frumentius' departure from, and his return to, Auxume.
But if we see no reason to assume anything of the kind,
we must again choose between the royal letter and the
senile reminiscences of ^desius ; and for the royal letter
I avow a weakness.
^ Athanasias, Smith's Bio graphical Diet.
188 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
During the reign of Constantius we also hear of
Theophilus the Indian. Philostorgius relates of hiin,*^
that he was born at Dibons, an island of the Indians,
that when very young he was sent by his people as
a hostage to Constantino, and that, educated in a
monastery, he was sent at the head of a mission to the
Homerites. Dibous, or rather the Dibenoi, Valesius,^^
and Shrockh after him, have identified with the Diu of
the embassy to Julian, and Dibous with Divu, Diu, an
island lying off the Indus. But what relation could
possibly have existed between the Divi and Constantino,
which should have obliged them to send hostages to Eome ?
I find that Theophilus is often called the Blemmyan,
and his mission points to an Arab origin, and I incline to
think that Dibous*^ is some Arab island or promontory
connected with the Debai or Dedebai of Agatharcides.
*^ TttyTTjs 5e T77S irpfd^eias (to the Homerites) cv rois irpoorois tjv kui
&eo(l>L\o5 6 IvSos, 6s naXai n^v Kwv(TTauTivov...€Ti Tr)v r}\iKiau Vfuraros,
Kad^ 6fjL7]pLav irapa rwv Ai^rjfoop KaKovpavwv ct$ Voufxaiovs ecnaXT]. Aj/SouS
y idriv avrois rj uTjaos x^P°'-^ *''*"' I»'5w*' Se KOi oinoi <t)€pov(Ti ro €Tru>vviiiov
...Tov fievToi @eo<pi\ov...Tov fjLovavKiov aueKeadai fiiou. Ecc. Hist,
111,4
^ Ad locum cita. annotatio.
*3 V, ih., § 5. After having preached much and founded churches
among the Homeritse, and extended his labours even to the
mouth of the Persian Gulf, €iri rrjv A</3o5 vri(Tov...ar€ir\ivae KUKfidfu
€is rrfv a\\7}v a<piKeTo 1v5ik7]v, and there corrected much that was
wrong. Then in the next chapter, 6, fK 5t TavTTjs ttjs fieya\ris
Apa$ias CIS tovs Av^ovfiiras KaKovfifPous airaipn AiOionas, He tells how
they live at the entrance of the Eed Sea, and beyond them the
Suroi, in whose land grow xylecassia, cassia, and cinnamon, trpos
fieu 5e rovTovs 6 &eo<pi\os ovk a<piKero. But after he had done in
Auxume all he had to do he returned to Rome. Does not all this
show mere travel in Arabia, up to the Persian Gulf, and the Eed
Sea? See also Agatharcides de Mare Eryth., § 95.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 189
The next incidental notice of India belonging to these
times is to be found in Damascius' Life of Isidorus as
preserved by Photins.** It is an account of some
Brahmans who visited Alexandria and lodged in the
house of Severus, Consul a.d. 470. They lived, we are
told, very reputably after the manner of their people.
They frequented neither the public baths nor any of the
city sights, but kept within doors as much as they could.
They ate palms and rice and drank water. They were
not mountain Brahmans nor yet common Indian folk,
but something between both, just agents for the Brah-
mans in the city and for the city with the Brahmans.
What they reported of the Brahmans quite tallied with
all one reads about them : as that by their prayers they
can bring down rain and avert famine and pestilence
and other incurable ills.*^ They told also of the one-
footed men, and the great seven-headed serpent, and
other strange marvels.
I suspect that the prophetic and supernatural powers
of the Brahmans were greater on the shores of the
Mediterranean than on the banks of the Ganges. The
one-footed men were a favourite Hindu myth and known
in Europe from the days of Ctesias. The seven-headed
serpent may be referred either to that king of the
Xagas who with his seven folds covered the body of
** Vide Photii Bib., ed. Schotti, p. 1042 : 7}kov Se trpos rov 'S.e^vpov
Kai Bpaxfiavai Kara rrtv A\6|oi/5p€to»', Kai eSelaro a*po.s oiKicf tSicf, etc.
This visit must have taken place therefore before Severus took up
his residence in Eome, and before his consulship.
^^ So Onesicritus : fc^r; 8' avTovi nai rwu irfpi <pv(Tiv -jroWa e^eraaai
Kai TTpaarjfjLaaiwv of.i^pu)v, avxfJi-ov, vuawv, Strabo, xv, I, 65, and Die
Crysostom, Oratio xlix.
190 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FEOM
Buddha and shielded him with his crests, or to the
seven-headed serpent on which Vishnu reposes.*^ But
whatever the tales of these men the question arises, why
came they to Alexandria? They were not merchants,
or they would have been foimd in its markets ; and they
travelled neither for their own instruction nor for that
of others, or they would have mixed with the world and
not avoided the haunts of men. Wliatever might have
been their object, they so lived that they could learn
nothing, teach nothing.
Of direct notices of India subsequent to the fall of
Palmyra I find a short one in a " Description of the
Whole World," extant only in Latin translations, but
originally written in Greek about a.d. 350 and seemingly
by some eclectic in religion. In the farthest east it
places the Eden of Moses and the sources of that great
river, which dividing itself into four branches is sever-
ally known as the Geon, Phison, Tigris, and Euphrates.
Here dwell — and we are referred to the authority of
some unnamed historian^^ — the Carmani, a good and
pious people, who know neither moral nor physical ill.
They all live to the age of one hundred and twenty, and
no father ever sees his children die.^^ They drink wild
*^ Hist, du Bouddha, Foucaux trans., p. 354, And compare
Vishnu Purana, by Wilson, p. 205, where Ananta is described
with a thousand heads, with the plate in Moor's Pantheon repre-
senting Vishnu on the seven-headed "Ananta contemplating the
creation, with Brahma on a lotos springing from his navel to per-
form it/' plate 7.
*' " Et hsec quidem de prsedictis gentibus historicus ait," Juni-
oris Philosophi Descriptio totius Orbis, § 21, p. 516, II, Geog.
Grseci Minores.
48 Their great age the Carmani share with others : " Cyrnos
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 191
honey and pepper, and they eat a bread and use a fire
wliich daily come down from heaven ; and the fire is so
hot tliat it would burn them up, did they not run and
hide themselves in the river until it returned to its own
place. They wear garments of a stuff that scarcely ever
soils, and then recovers all its freshness on being passed
through fire. Next them to the west are the Brahmans.
Like the Carmani, they are subject to no king, and live
happily sharing something of their neighbours' felicity.
Their food is fruits, pepper, and honey. Then come five
other nations, and we have reached now the greater
India, whence comes silk (or wheat) with all other
necessaries, and the Indians live happily and in a
country large and fertile. Next to India Major is a
land which is rich in everything; its inhabitants are
skilled in war and the arts, and aid the people of India
Minor in their wars with the Persians. Bordering on
this land is India Minor, subject to India Major ; it has
numberless herds of elephants wliich are exported to
Persia.
Though our author parades the authorities he has
consulted, from Moses and Berosus to Thucydides and
Josephus, his work, which is rather a popular description
of the world than a scientific geography, is interesting
only when it treats of those countries and places, as
Indorum genus Isigonus annis 140 vivere. Item Ethiopas Macro-
bios et Seras existimat," etc., etc. Plin., Hist. Nat., vii, 2 ; Strabo,
XV, 15. But their other blessings, that they die each in his turn and
know no ills, are their own; but hinted at as characteristic also of
the happy age of the Mahabharata : " Tandis que la caste des
Ksyatryas s'abonnait h. la vertu...personne ne mourait enfant." —
I, 264, Fouche's Tr.
192 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FEOM
Syria and its cities, with which he was himself ac-
quainted. Of the far East his account is especially
meagre and would be worthless, but that it serves to
show how necessary is commercial intercourse to keep
alive our knowledge of other and distant countries ; and
how very soon after that intercourse had ceased India
again faded away into the land of myth and fable.
Some few years later (a.d. 360-70) Avienus pub-
lished a Latin hexametrical version of Dionysius Peri-
egetes' Geographical Poem of the AVorld. And though
he nowhere shows any extraordinary regard for his text
and never stops at any alteration of it to suit his own
taste or the views of his age, I observe that he scrupul-
ously follows it in everything relating to India.
I will but mention Dracontius (died A.D. 450) and
Avitus (a.d. 490), who the one in his Carmen de Deo,
speaks of India in connexion with spices —
" India tunc primum generans pigmenta per herbas
Eduxit sub sole novo.** — i, 176.
and with precious stones and ivory —
" India cum gemmis et eburnea monstra minatur.*' — 307.
while the other, in his Poem de Mosai. Hist. Gestis,
glorifies the Indians because they receive the first rays
of the sun,*^ and describes them as black, and with their
hair bound back off the forehead f^ and who both — like
49 . . . . " Ubi solis abortu
Vicinos nascens aurora repercutit Indos," 196, 1.
borrowed probably from Avienus " pi-imam coquit banc radiis sol,*'
1308, and Dionysius Periegetes, 1110.
w " Cffisaries incompta riget quse crine supino
Stringitur lit refugo careat frons nuda capiUo.**
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 193
the author of the Description of the Whole World
quoted above — place India to the west of Eden, whence
the rivers bring down all sorts of precious stones to us
common mortals. ^^ They add nothing to our knowledge
of India, and merely illustrate the common-place axiom,
that in an intellectually inferior age fables and myths
are preferred to truth, and the most wonderful tales to
the best ascertained facts.
To this age, the fifth century, also probably belongs
Hierocles. Of his work, Philistores, but a very few
fragments have been preserved ; and of these, two relate
to India and imply that he had himself visited India
and in India travelled. The first from Stephanos of
Byzantium, under Brachmanes, is to this effect ; — " After
this I thought it worth my while to go and visit the
Brahman caste.^^ The men are philosophers dear to
the gods, and especially devoted to the sun. They ab-
stain from all flesh meats and live out in the open air,
and honour truth. Their dress is made of the soft and
skin-like {BepfiaTcoBr}) fibres of stones, which they weave
into a stuff that no fire burns or water cleanses. When
^ " Est locus in terrd diffundens quatuor amnes," Dracont. 178.
The Ganges, one of these, brings down all sorts of precious stones.
— So Eudoxus presents to Euergetes from India aromatics and
precious stones : uv tovs fiev Karaifxpovaiv ot vorafioi fiera tuv \prj<tfuv.
Strabo II, III, p. 81.
** Hie fons perspicuo resplendens gurgite surgit,
Eductum leni fontis de vertice flumen
Quatuor in largos confestim scinditur amnes." — Avitus, I.
52 Edvos, but having before us the opinions of his predecessors
about the Brahmans I suspect we should translate " nation," i.e.
if he be the Hierocles I suppose.
0
194 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
their clothes get soiled or dirty, they are thrown into a
blazing fire, and come out quite white and bright." The
second from the Chiliads of Tzetzes (VII Hist., 144 to
716) : "Then," he says, "I came to a country very dry
and burnt up by the sun. And all about this desert I
saw men naked and houseless, and of these some shaded
their faces with their ears and the rest of their bodies
with their feet raised in the air. Of these men Strabo
has a notice, as also of the no-heads and ten-heads and
four-hands-and-feet men, but none of them did I ever
see, quoth Hierocles."
Hierocles' account of the Brahmans is so modest, and
his explanation of the one-footed men of Strabo so
simple, that his narrative might easily be accepted as
the genuine production of one who had visited India ;
but first : for the asbestos stuff in which his Brahmans
are clothed and which we have no reason to believe
they ever wore, but which as it was an Indian manu-
facture^^ and rare and valuable he perhaps substituted
for the wonderful earth- wooP* Philostratus imagined for
53 « Inventum jam est quod ignibns non absumeretur .... ar-
dentesque in focis conviviorum ex eo vidimus mappas, sordibus
exustis, splendescentes igni niagis quam possent aquis . . . Nascitur
in desertis adustisque sole Indise, ubi non cadunt imbres, inter diras
serpentes; assuescitque vivere ardendo, rarum inventu, difficile
textu propter brevitatem. Eufus color." Pliny, xix, 4. Strabo,
however, speaks of it as a product of Euboea, and in bis time also
used for napkins : ev Se rrj Kapvarcp /coi ^ \i6os ^verai rj ^aivofiePTj kui
v<paivofXivr\ aare ra iKp-q xetpo/ia/crpo yiviadai, ^virwdevra 5' eis <pXoya
^aWeaQai Kai airoKaOaipeadai, x, I. B., p. 383.
5* 'H 8e v\t] TTjy €o6t)tos, epiov avrocpves, rj 777 <f>vei, XevKov /xev ojairep
TO Uaix<pv\(iou, ixaXaKwnpov Se tikt^i, t] Se TnixeArj ola eXaiov aTr' avroj
AetjSeTat. Tou0' lepav eaOrjra iroiovvrai, kui et rts erepos irapa rovs li'dovs
TovTovs ar'aantfi-q avTo, ov (Xidurai t) yi} rov ipiov. Pbilost., Apoll. Yita,
III, XV, p. 54.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 195
them ; and secondly : for the monsters he so carelessly
attributes to Strabo — and of which so far as I know
Strabo is innocent — had Hierocles but told of them as
of something of which he had heard, these ten-headed
and four-hand-and-footed men would have been identi-
fied with the statues of Ravana and Ardhavan/^ and
adduced as an evidence of a visit to India. As it is, we
know him as an untrustworthy writer, and we have only
his own word for it that he was ever there.
We have next an account of India^^ written at the
close of the fourth or beginning of the fifth century and
drawn up apparently at the request either of Palladius,
or of Lausius to whom Palladius inscribed his Historia
Lausiaca. Its writer states that he went to India with
Moses, Bishop of Adule ; but found the heat such, the
coldest water being set boiling in a few minutes,^^ that
^ Vide plates 54 and 24, Moor's Hindoo Pantheon. And as
belonging to the popular legends we hear in the Mahabharata of
men : " a trois yeux, plusieurs k un seul oeil...les monopedes," etc.,
II, 54, Fouche's Tr.
^ Of this tract there are two versions, a Greek addressed to
some eminent personage not named, and a Latin attributed to
Ambrosius and addressed to Palladius. In the Greek version the
author himself visits India, to aKpcorrjpia /xovov, p. 2 ; in the Latin:
it is his brother, Musseus Dolenorum Episcopus, who traverses
Serica, now on this side the Ganges, p. 58, where are the trees
that give out not leaves but very fine wool, and where he sees the
stone columns raised to Alexander ; and who at length reaches
Ariana, which he finds burnt up by the heat, and so hot that
water is seen boiling in the vessels that hold it, and who then
gives up his journey and returns to Europe. In this first part I
have preferred the Greek, but afterwards I oftener follow the Latin
version as the more full and intelligible. — Palladius, ed. Bissseus.
^' Ctesias of the Indian sea : ro 5e avw avrr)5.,.6€piiov tivai wo-re fxri
196 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
he very quickly returned. He had little to say of his
own knowledge ; but in the course of his travels he had
fallen in with, and heard a good deal about India from,
a scholar of the Thebaid, a lawyer, who disgusted with
his profession had thrown it up and set out to see the
world and more especially the land of the Brahmans.
This man recounted, that in the company of a priest he
took ship in the Eed Sea for the Bay of Adule. Here he
landed and went to visit the city and pushed on inland
as far as Auxume,^^ where he met with some Indian,
i.e. Arab, merchants about to proceed for India : he
iX'^vv ^rjvai. Photius Bib., p. 144. Strabo, of the heat in India
says, lizards crossing the road are burnt up, and water quickly
warms, p. 730. This however may have been an extravagant
mode of speech merely, for Sidonius, almost a cotemporai-y of
Palladius, when urging bis friend Donatius to leave the city, says,
"jam non solum calet unda sed coquitur." Epist. II, 2.
^8 I here follow neither the Greek nor Latin version. The
Greek : diairXevaas ncra Trpco-jSurepou touttjk OaXacaav KareAa/Se irpuTov
A5ov\iv fira rr]v Av^ov/j.7]v ev rj t]v fia<Ti\iaKos twv IvZuv, vii, Pseudo-
Callisthenes, Miiller, p. 102, and afterwards Atto ttjs Au|oi;^irjs ivpwv
Tivas vhoiapKf Sta^aivovras Ivbovs e/xxopias X«/'**'> freipaQrjv evSuTcpov
aireKesiv, viii, p. 103. The Latin : " In rubrio mari navem con-
scendens navigavit primo sinum Adulicum et Adulitarum oppidum
vidit, mox Aromata promontorium et Troglodytarum emporium
penetravit; hinc et Auxumitarum loca attigit, unde solvens...
Muzirim pervenit, ih., 103. The Greek version is evidently de-
fective, for it never brings our scholar to India at all, while the
Latin traces out an itinerary confused and improbable. For after
leaving Adule, our traveller makes for Aromata, the most eastern
point of Africa, and the emporium of the Troglodytes ; — but " Adu-
liton... maximum hie emporium Troglodytarum etiam Ethiopum ; "
(Plin., iv, 34) — or suppose it some port in the Adulitic Bay, still
he is always retracing his steps till he comes to Auxume, an
inland town {^lea-TTjKcvat rrjv A5ov\iv ttjs Av^ovfiecos irevreKaideKa
Tinepwu 65o$. Nonnosus, p. 480, Hist. Bizant.), whence he sets
sail for India.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 197
joined tliem, and together they crossed the Ocean. After
several days' voyage they reached Mnziris, the chief
port on this side the Ganges and the residence of a
petty Indian rajah. At Muziris our traveller stayed
some time, and occupied himself in studying the soil
and climate of the place and the customs and manners
of its inhabitants. He also made inquiries about Ceylon
and the best mode of getting there ; but did not care to
undertake the voyage when he heard of the dangers of
the Sinhalese Channel, of the thousand isles, the
Maniolai, which impede its navigation, and the load-
stone rocks^^ which bring disaster and wreck on all
iron-bound ships. They told him, however, of this
island, of its happy climate^^ and its long-lived inhabit-
ants, of its four satrapies and its great king, king of all
the Indias,^^ of whom the petty sovereigns of the coast
were but the governors. He knew too of its great
trade, of its markets thronged with merchants from
59 Ptolemy knows of the Maniolai and the loadstone rocks, but
limits their number to ten, and throws them forward some degrees
east of Ceylon, vii, p. 221 ; and before Ceylon places a group
of 1378 small islands, vii, 4, p. 213. And Masoudi, who had tra-
versed this sea, says that ships sailing on it were not fastened
with iron nails, its waters so wasted them, p. 374.
^ So Fa-hian : " Ce pays est tempere, on n'y connait pas la
difference de I'hiver et de I'ete. Les herbes et les arbres sont
toujours verdoyants. L*ensemencement des champs est suivant la
volonte des gens." Tr. de Remusat, c. xxxviii., p. 332.
<5^ Eu ravrri Se r-p vrjarcp Kai 6 /xfyas fiaaiKfvs Karoixfi twv Iv^cdv, <^
iro»'T€S 01 ^aaiXiKoi tijs x^P**' fKfiurjS vvoKfivrai ws carpanai, de Bra-
manibus, p. 3. " Huic quatuor moderantur ... satrapes, inter
quos unus est maximus cui...C8eteri obediunt." — Latin version.
These satrapies would be those of Jafna, Malaya, Kohuna, with
that of Anarajapura as the. chief.
198 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
Ethiopia, Persia, and Auxume (Latin version only) ; of
its five great navigable rivers,^^ and perpetual fruit-
bearing trees, palms, cocoa, and snialler aromatic nuts.
And he had heard how its sheep were covered not with
wool but hair, gave much milk, and had broad tails ;
and how their skins were prettily worked up into stuffs,
the only clothing of the people, who would on feast-days
eat both mutton and goat's flesh, though their usual food
was milk, rice, and fruit.
And the scholar further said: "I tried to penetrate
into the interior of their country, and got as far as the
Besadse, a people with large heads and long untrimmed
hair, dwarfish and feeble but active and good climbers,
who occupy themselves with gathering the pepper
from the low and stunted trees on which it grows.
They seized on me ; and their king, the consumption of
whose palace was one measure of corn a year (the year
in the Latin version only), whence got I know not, gave
me as slave to a baker. With him I stayed six years,
and in this time learned their language and a good deal
about the neighbouring nations. At length the great
king of Ceylon^ heard of me, and out of respect for the
62 Ptolemy likewise gives five rivers to Ceylon, ut sup. the
Soana, Ayanos, Baraeos, Ganges, and Phasis ; and after Mm Mar-
cianus Heracleensis, Geog. Minor. Didot, p. 534.
63 This tract is imperfect. The Greek version sends our tra-
veller direct from Auxume into the interior of Africa, where he was
not likely to hear anything about the Brahmans; the Latin on
the other hand after saying every thing to dissuade him from the
voyage to Ceylon, suddenly and without a hint that he had left
Muziris sets him down in the midst of its angry and excited popu-
lation. But it is rarely consistent with itself, for 1st, it describes
Ceylon on hearsay as an island of the blest, " in qua sunt illi quibus
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 199
Roman name and fear of the Eoman power, ordered me
to be set free, and severely punished the petty rajah who
had enslaved me."
Of the Brahmans this scholar reported, that they were
not a society like our monks but a race, born^ Brahmans.
They lived he said near the Ganges and in a state of
nature. They went naked^ wandering in the woods,
and sleeping on leaves. They had no domestic animals,
tilled no land, and were without iron or house or fire or
bread or wine; but then they breathed a pleasant,
healthful air, wonderfully clear. They worshipped God,
and had no slight, though not a thorough, knowledge of
the ways of Providence. They prayed always turning.
Beatorum nomen est," and seems to countenance that description,
and yet the people our scholar fell among he found a weak,
hideous, and inhospitable race. 2nd. It speaks of pepper as the
chief produce of the island: "piper ibi nascitur in magnaque col-
ligitur copia ; " but though pepper certainly grows in Ceylon, it
is not and never has been among its staple productions (Ptolemy,
viii, p. 212), nor to gather it the occupation of its people. But
from their name and description. Sir E. Tennent (Ceylon) has iden-
tified the Besadee with the Sinhalese Veddahs. Let me observe
that the name is unknown to the Latin version and belongs to the
Greek, which expressly states that our scholar never went to
Oeylon : ov yap dedvvrfrat ovS* avros ets ttjj/ v-qaov eiaeAdnv, lib. Ill,
vii, ib., and appears there in several shapes as Thebaids, Bethsiads,
and Bethsads. 2ndly, that the Besadse are in Ptolemy a people
living in the extreme north of India. 3rdly, that the Besadae,
except in those great features common to the ill-fed barbarous
races, bear no resemblance to any Sinhalese people. For though
like the Veddahs they are puny, ill-shaped, live in caves and
recognize a domestic chief, the Veddahs unlike them have no
king living in a palace, no political existence, and no arts such as
the existence of a baker implies,
fi* Vide from Bardesanes, swjpra, pp. 152-3.
200 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
but not superstitiously, to the East. They ate whatever
came to hand, nnts and wild herbs, and drank water.
Their wives, located on the other side of the Ganges,
they visited during July and August,^^ their coldest
months, and remained with them forty days.^^ But as
soon as the wife had borne her husband two children, or
after five years if she were barren, the Brahman ceased
to have intercourse with her.^^
The Ganges is infested by the Odonto, a fearful
monster, but which disappears during the Brahman
65 "In India... December, Jannary, and February are their
warmest months ; our summer being their winter ; July and
August are their winter." — Masoudi's Meadows of Gold, p. 344,
Though Masoudi confirms the statement of our traveller, in fact,
the summer in India corresponds with our summer.
66 Among the Buddhists : " Quand venait la saison des pluies
...les Religieux pouvaient cesser la vie vagabonde des mendiants.
II leur etait permis de se retirer dans des demeures fixes. Cela
s'appelait sejourner pendant la Varcha: c'est-a-dire, pendant les
quatre mois que dure la saison pluvieuse." Burnouf, Hist, du
Bond., p. 285. The rainy season, however, is not the same on the
East and West of the Ghauts. See too in the Mahabharata, the
observance of times and seasons in the relations between the
Brahmans and the widows of the Kshatryas exterminated by them.
I, p. 268, Fouche's tr.
67 Suidas, s. v. Bpoxiuaves, has, with a slight alteration, copied this
account of the Brahmans. He says " they are a most pious people
(c0i/os), without possessions and living in an island of the ocean
given them by God; that Alexander came there and erected a
pillar (the bronze pillar of Philostratus, As. Jour., xviii, p. 83)
with the inscription * I, the great king Alexander came thus far ; *
that the Makrobioi live here to 150, the air is so pure... The men
thus dwell in the parts adjoining the ocean, but the women be-
yond the Ganges, to whom they pass over in the months of
July, etc.'' The island of the Indian Makrobioi is probably bor-
rowed from the Atlantic Erythia, where dwelt the Ethiopian
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 201
pairing months, and by serpents seventy cubits long.
The ants are in these parts a palm, and the scorpions a
cubit in length ; and hence the difficulty of getting
there. The tract then concludes with a series of letters,
which purport to have passed between Dandamis, the
chief of the Brahmans, and Alexander the Great, and
which might have been written anywhere and by any-
body, except one who had learned to think or was accus-
tomed to command.^
Our author's account of his own experience of India,
its great heat, is so absurdly impossible, that we lose
all faith in his veracity. I believe neither in his own
story, nor in that of his travelled lawyer who seems to
me introduced merely to give reality and interest to
the narrative. In the narrative itself we first hear of
the loadstone rocks attached to the Maniolai, as guard-
ing the coasts of Ceylon. These rocks, which the voy-
Makrobioi according to Eustatius. Com. in Dion. Per., § 558,
p. 325, II, Geog. Min.
Hrot fjLcu paiovai $ooTpo(t>ov ajx<p* Epvdeiap
ArXavros ircpi x*''A"* BcovSefS AiQioirr]€S,
MaKpo^iuv i/tTjes afivfioves, oi irod' Ikovto
Trjpvuvos fjL€Ta iror/jLov ayr)vopos. Diony. Perieget., 558, etc., ih.
^ Of cotemporaries of Palladius, who in their works have noticed
India, I pass over Marcianua Heracleensis (a.d. 401), who as a
geographer had necessarily much to say about it, but who as the
mere copyist of Ptolemy principally, and occasionally of other
writers (Geog. Graec. Min. Pf., p. 133, I, ed. Didot, conf. Lassen,
u. 8., 288, III), added nothing to the existing knowledge of India :
and Justin, Hist. Philip. (Smith's Biog. Diet., s. v., and ^tat.
Justini and Testamenta, Valpy's Delphin ed.), to whom we are
indebted for much of the little we know of the Greek rule in
Bactria and India, but whose history as an epitome of that of
Trogus Pompeius belongs really to the Augustan age.
202 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
ages of Sinbad have since made so famous, probably-
owed their origin to some Arab merchant, some Scythi-
anus, who while he amused the imaginations of his
wondering customers, at the same time fenced round
with terror the trading grounds whence he obtained his
most precious wares. Here too we read of a Sinhalese
Empire with dominions extending far into the interior
of India, and here only ; for the Sinhalese annals show
us Ceylon ever open to Tamil inroads, sometimes sub-
dued or at best struggling for independence, and at other
times prosperous and powerful, but never even then
claiming rule over any part of India.^^ And here also
we have an account of the Brahman marriage, which,
though in one particular, divorce for barrenness, not alto-
gether incorrect, is as a whole quite opposed as well to
all we know of Brahman habits as to that ideal of
Brahman life on which the Laws of Menu so willingly
dweU/o
69 This tract was written about a.d. 400. If the scholar ever
existed, he must have travelled and obtained his knowledge of
Ceylon some time in the last half of the fourth century, during
the reigns of either Buddha Da'sa, from a.d. 339 to 368, or of
Upatissa II, a.d. 308-410. From the Mahawauso, pp. 237-9, and
the Eajavali, pp. 241-2, we gather, that Ceylon was at this time in
a flourishing condition ; but we find nothing which can lead us to
suppose that its kings held dominion in India. Fa-hian also was
in Ceylon about a.d. 410, and his description of the island quite
Corroborates the statements of its Sacred Books. Foe-koue-ki,
xxxviii, 9. Upham's Sacred Books of Ceylon, 1, c, and Tumour's
Appendix to the Mahawanso, p. 72.
70 For the marriage duties and the respect due to women, v.
Menu III, 45-8 and 55-62. For the marriage duties of women,
ih. 153, 160, and ix, 74. The ideal of marriage : " Then only is a
man perfect when he consists of three persons united, his wife.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 203
About tliis same time (a.d. 360-420) appeared the
Dionysiacs, a poem in forty-eight books, written by
Nonnos of Panoplis in Egypt, to celebrate the triumphs
of Bacchus and his conquest of India. The first eight
books tell of Cadmus, and the loves of Jupiter, and the
jealousy of Juno. The ninth, tenth, eleventh, and twelfth
recount the birth and education of Bacchus, and his
love for, and grief at the death of, the youthful satyr
Ampelos /^ and how Ampelos was then changed into a
vine, and how of the grapes Bacchus made wine and
drank it, and threw off his old sorrow .'''^ In the
thirteenth book Iris^^ from Jove calls on Bacchus to
drive the arrogant and lawless Indians from Asia, and
by great deeds and labours to gain a place in Olympus.
It tlien enumerates the Centaurs, Satyrs, Cyclops, and
peoples which gather round the Bacchic standard. In
the fourteenth and fifteenth books Bacchus is in
himself, and his son, and thus learned Brahmans have announced
this maxim — The husband is even one person with his wife," ib.
45. Consequent upon this " A barren wife may be superseded by
another in the ninth year, she whose children are all dead in
the tenth, she who brings forth only daughters in the eleventh,"
ih. 81.
7^ Ow5€ c KaWos eXcnre, Kai ei Oavev a)s Sarupos Se
KiiTO ViKus, yeKooovTi rravfiKfXos, otanep aiei
XfiXf(^iv atpQoyyoKJi xtutv fieAiTjbvv aoLSrjv. xi, 250.
7' ...nporepas 8' eppiipe juept^voy
(papfiaKov 7]$riTTjpos exfv cuoS/iov oira/pijv. 290, xii.
73 He sends Iris to bid him —
o<ppa SiKTis aSiSuKTov vvepcjyiaKuf yevos IfSwi'
AtJiSos e^€\a(Tfi(v. 5, xiii.
Bat unlike the Iris of Homer, who always strictly delivers her
message, she somewhat varies it, and bids him —
fViJtfiirjs aSiSaKToi/ aXarTuaai yevos IfSuv,
204 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
Bithynia near the lake Astracis/* and he then and there
changes its waters into wine, encounters and makes
drunk and captive an Indian army under Astrais
{aarrip) ; and afterwards (seventeenth book) marches
into Syria and defeats another and more powerful one
commanded by the son-in-law of the Indian king
Deriades/^ Orontes,^^ who in despair kills himself and
7^ 6 irept NiKouaSeiav koXttos Aaraxvos KaKeirai. Strabo, xii, 43.
Nonnos, ed. de Marcellus, N. N., 100, xiv, 7, xiv.
'5 Ariptadv^, from Srjpts, strife, says Nonnos. The name is pro-
bably borrowed from the Bassarics of Dionysius, for Eustatius in
his Comm. on the Periegesis (606 v, p. 332, II, Geog. Grse. Min.)
observes that the Erythraean king was Deriades, an Erythraean rqp
yeuei, but who went to India and bravely opposed Bacchus. And
then if Dionysius, as MiiUer is inclined to think, lived in the first
century, it may possibly be either a translation or adaptation of
the Sanskrit Duryodhana, from " dur," bad, and " yodna," strife,
as Professor Wilson in a paper on the Dionysiacs of Nonnos, As.
Ees., xvii, suggests, and may have become known in Greece
through the Greeks who had visited India or the Hindus who
visited Alexandria. Or as Duryodhana is the oldest of the
Kaurava princes and one of the heroes of the Mahabharata, his
name and some notion of the Epic may (spite of Strabo's hint to
the contrary, L. xv, 3) have been transmitted to Greece by the
Bactrian Greeks, whose relations with India were many and inti-
mate. But in this case it is surely somewhat strange that of all
this poem only one name, and that scarcely recognisable, and not
the greatest nor the easiest fitted to Grecian lips, has found a place
in Grecian literature.
76 Orontes, Greek form of the Persian Arvanda from " arvat,"
flowing, Lassen, III, 147, or of the Egyptian Anrata, Eouge, tr.
of a poem on the exploits of Rameses by Pentaour. Of this river
both Wilson, u. s., p. 610, and Lassen observe that in the belief of
Syria confirmed by the oracle of Klaros, it took its name from an
Indian chief who died there, and whose coffin and bones indicating
a height of eleven cubits were found when the Romans diverted
or canalised the river, Pausanias, viii, 2, 3, and see Strabo, xvi,
II, 7, p. 639.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 205
gives his name to the neighbouring river, ever since called
the Orontes. After this battle Blemmys, king of the
Erythraean ladians but subject to Deriades, submits to
Bacchus and settles with his people in Ethiopia/^ The
eighteenth book shows us Staphylos, the Assyrian
monarch, with Methe and Botrus, his wife and son,
doing honour to and feasting Bacchus in their palace,
whence after a drunken bout Bacchus goes on his way
Indiaward, and at the same time despatches a herald to
Deriades, and threatens war unless his gifts and orgies
be accepted. The nineteenth book relates the death of
Staphylos and the games held in his honour. In the
twentieth, Bacchus reaches Arabia, but in the forest of
Nyssa, while all unguarded and defenceless, is set upon
by Lycurgus, and compelled to take refuge in the Ked
Sea. The twenty-first book tells of his ambassador's
reception at the Indian court, and of the scorn with
which Deriades rejects the proffered gift of Bacchus.
" He cares for no son of Jove," he says, " his sword and
his buckler are his wine and drink, and his gods earth
and water."^^ Bacchus learns this answer while frolick-
ing with the mountain nymphs."^^ He prepares for war,
'^ Eustatius, u. s,, on the authority either of Nonnos or the Bas-
sarics, gives them the same origin : BK^nixv^s oOroo Kahovfievoi avo
BK^nfivos rivos, 6s vnoaTparriywu Tcp jSatrtAei ATjpia^ji Kara Aiovvaov
(TVV€iro^(ix€(Tc. (Com. v. 220. p. 255, ib.)
78 .... AripiadrjS yap
ov fiaOev ovpavicov fxaKapuv xopov, ovZe ytpaipu
YiiXiov Kai Zr}va.
VIVOS ffios vt\tv tyxos' 6 8' av ttotos ecrri fioftrj. 256.
fiovuoi 6U6 yeyaaa-i deoi kui Taia Kai "tSwp, 261, xxi.
79 ... opeiaai fxiyvvro Nvixcpais, 277, xxi.
206 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
and calls on the Arab Ehadamanes to equip a fleet and
attack the Indians by sea. He himself with his army
passes over the Caucasus.^*^ In the twenty-second book
"we have the first battle on Indian ground. Kear the
Hydaspes in a thick forest the Indian forces under
Thoreus lie in ambush but are betrayed to Bacchus, who
by a pretended flight draws them out into the open and
completely routs them, and then crosses the river to
combat with Deriades. Deriades by the advice of
Thoreus retreats on his elephants within the city walls.
Attis on the part of Ehea presents Bacchus with arms
forged by Vulcan, and foretells that not till the seventh
year shall he destroy the Indian capital. ^^ In the mean-
while Deriades at the treacherous instigation of Minerva
marshals his hosts ; and the twenty-sixth book gives the
names of the cities, islands, and peoples, with their chiefs,
which form his army. And on the contents of this book
as specially occupied with India we shall dweU at some
length. At the summons of Deriades came Agraios
{ay pa, the chase) and Phlegios {(pXeyo), to burn) the two
sons of Eulseus (river, Ulai ? Marcellus) and with them
those who dwell in Kusa^^ and Bagia, near the broad
80 The passage scarce occupies three lines —
Ktti Taxws r)\a(Te 5i(ppou Ecciov eis KXifxa yairis
afjKpi 5e Trerprji'
KavKaaiTjv Ko^oivra Biaoreixof Kcvoova . , .
UcDTjs irapafieifie ve^av. 307, xxi.
81 ov yap itpiv iro\€fMov reXos ecraeTat, €i<TOKe ;^ap/xr}j
fKTOv apairXifjauiaiu €tos rerpa^tryes 'Q,pai.
€j35ojuaTq> XvKa^avTi diappaiffeis iroXiv luSoav. 363-7, XXV.
82 Those who would identify the different places, in the text I
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 207
muddy waters of the Indian Zorambos ; the people, too,
of the well-turreted Ehodoe, the craggy Propanisos, and
the isle Gerion,^ where not the mothers, but tlie fathers,
suckle their children. There, too, were found the in-
habitants of the lofty Sesindos and of Gazos^* girt about
with impregnable linen-woven bulwarks. Near them
were ranged the brave Dardae^^ and the Prasian force
with the gold-covered tribes of the Sarangi,^^ who live
on vegetables and grind them down instead of corn.
Then came the curly-haired Zabians with their wise
ruler Stassanor ; then Morrheus^^ and Didnasos eager to
avenge the death of his son Orontes. Now followed the
many-languaged Indians from well-built sunny ^thra.
refer to M. de Marcellus' notes to the twenty-sixth book of his edi-
tion of Nonnos. They will at the same time see how he has ac-
commodated, and I think not unfairly, the names to the Geogra-
phies of Ptolemy, etc.
^ r-npeiav, PoSorjj' re Kai ot Xtvoreixea Ta^ov. Stephan, Byzant.,
s. v., Ta^os from the third book of the Bassarics of Dionysius.
84 This description of Gazos is borrowed from the BacraaptKa of
Dionysius (n. 12, xxvi, B. de Marcellus), and from the same source
he probably took his account of Gereion and the Sarangii, for
Nonnos is of those poets who repeat but do not invent. Stephanos
Byzantinus by the way frequently quotes the Bassarics of Dionysius
as a historical authority, e. g., s. v. BAf/uues and Fa^os.
^ AapSa* IvBiKov fOuos viro Arjoiadrj noAffirjarav Aiovva^ as Aiovvaios
fv 76 BaaaapiKwv, Steph., s. v. AapSay.
86 2apa77ai 5e ct/tiara /uev ^ffia/xfieva eveirpeirov ex^"*^^^* Herod.,
vii, c. 67.
^ Lassen, u. s., derives Morrheus from fioppea, the material of
the vasa murrhina. Prof. W. H. Wilson, ih., suggests Maha-
rajah. Neither derivation seems to me satisfactory, — the first
strange and far-fetched, the second scarcely applicable, for Mor-
rheus is no rajah, a soldier of fortune merely, though of high birth,
an autocthon : ijAtjSaTow Tv<pwyos exav avrox^ova (pv\r\v, 177, xxxiv.
208 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
and they who hold the jungles (Xacncova) of Asene and the
reedy Andonides, the burning Nicsea, the calm Malana,
and the water-girt plains of Patalene. Next them
marched the serried ranks {irvKwaC) of the Dosareans
and the hairy-breasted Sabaroi, and Phringos, Aspetos,
Tanyclos, Hippouros, and Egretios, then the Ouatecetoi,^
who sleep lying on their long ears, led on by their chiefs.
Tectaphus also was there at the head of his Bolingians,^^
Tectaphus, whom when in prison his daughter suckled
and saved from death. From the earth's extremity
Giglon, Thoureus, and Hippalmas brought up the
Arachotes and the Drangiai, who cover with dust^
those whom the sword has slain. Habraatos com-
manded the archers, shamed by the loss of his hair
cut off by order of Deriades, and a disgrace among
the Indians ; he came on slowly and perforce with hate
in his heart. He ruled the savage Scyths, the brave
Ariainoi, the Zoaroi, the Arenoi, the Caspeiri,^^ the
Arbians of the Hysparos, and the Arsanians whose
women are wondrously skilled in weaving. Near them
were ranged the Cirradioi used to naval warfare, but in
88 So Scylax. Tzetzes Chil., vii. Hist., 144, 1. 635.
89 Kat Tore Ba)\i777jcrt /xer' avlpaai Tckto^os upro. — Bassar., Dio-
nys., Stephanos Byz., s. v. 'RtttKiyya..
90 "The Dandis and Dasnamis Sectaries of Siva... put their
dead into coffins and bury them, or commit them to some sacred
stream." — H. H. Wilson, Eeligious Sects of the Hindus, As. Ees.,
xvii, 176, and in a note : " In the south the ascetic followers of
Siva and Vishnu bury their dead (Dubois), so do the Vaishnava
(Varangis ? ), and Sanyasis in the north of India" (see Ward), all
the castes in the south that wear the Lingam — ih.
91 iv Se re Kaaimpoi. iroai icAetTot, ev 5' Apir}voi, Stephanos, S. V.
KaairiipoSf from the Bassar. Dionys.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN, 209
boats of skins ; their chiefs were Thyamis and Olkaros,
sons of Tharseros the rower. Under Phylites, son of
Hipparios, came a swarm of men from Arizanteia, where
a certain bushy tree from its green leaves distils sweet
honey,^^ while from its branches the Horion^^ pours forth
a song like the swan's for melody, and the yellow purple-
w^inged Catreus utters its shrill cry, prophetic of rain.
Then followed the Sibai, the people of Hydara, and the
Carmanian hosts, with their leaders Kolkaros and
Astrais, the sons of Logos. The three hundred isles at
the mouths of the Indus sent their contingent under
Eipsasos, a giant in stature (e%a)i/ tvhaXjjboa Ttyavrcov,
V. 248). Aretos too with his five sons born deaf and
dumb obeyed the call of Deriades, with them were
ranged the shield-bearing warriors of Pyle, Kolalla and
Goryandos ; while under Phylates marched those who
dwell in the woody Osthe, mother of elephants, and
near them their neighbours from Euthydimeia, speaking
another tongue. The Derbicei, the Ethiopians, the Sac?e,
the Bactrians, and the Blemyes, also joined the army of
Deriades.
The contest then begins. The Gods, as was their
^ Eari 56 Kai SevSpo Trap' avrois fxeXt iroiovVTa avev ^coui/. Strabo, xv,
I, 20, Geog. Min. Grsec, p. 620, ii.
93 Clitarchus, quoted by Strabo, speaking of the movable aviaries
belonging to the Indian kings, says that they are filled with large
leaved trees, on the branches of which are perched all sorts of tame
birds, and that of these the sweetest songster is the horion, the
most beautiful the catreus : wv evibwuoTaTov fx€v...rov wpiwva, Ka/nirpo-
rarov Se Kara o^^v Kai irKeiarriv exoi'Ta iroiKiKiav rov Kurpea, xv, I, p.
690, and Fragmenta Clitarchi, 18 and 18a, Scriptores Eev. Alex.,
Didot's ed.
210 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FEOM
wont, take each his side. Jupiter, Apollo, Vulcan, and
Minerva, declare for the Bassarids ; Juno with Mars,
Ceres, and I^eptune, for Deriades and his Indians
and from no interested motives, for throughout De-
riades stoutly disavows all allegiance to them. The
fight is carried on with various fortune. Now the
Indians flee before Bacchus and his crew aided by the
gods ; and now, headed by Mars, Morrheus, and Deriades,
or Deriades' wife and daughters, and befriended by the
stratagems of Juno,^* they drive him from the field. At
length night intervenes (xxxvii.), and Greeks and
Indians bury their dead : the Greeks with funeral piles
and games, the Indians with tearless eyes, for for them
death but frees the soul from earthly chains, and sends it
back to its old starting point, to run afresh life's circle
of change.^^
Six years have now passed away, and Khea has long
ago announced that the seventh year and a naval battle
shall put an end to the war. The Khadamanes arrive
with their ships. Deriades collects his fleet and goes
forth to meet them.^^ The fight is long and doubtful,
9* Juno drives Bacchus mad. Eustatius in his Commentary on
Dionysius, v. 976, alludes to this madness, probably from the Bas-
sarics : Mau'erat Aiovvaos 'Hpas trpopoK^. Geog. Min., II, p. 386. It
is also mentioned by Pseudo Plutarchus, de Fluv. et Mont. Nom.,
Geog. Min. Grsec, II, p. 663.
95 o/j-fxaaiv aK\avToi(Tiv erapxvffavTo BavovraSf
ola fiiou ^poreov yairjia Setr/ia <pvyovTas,
ylfvxvs irefxrroixevrjs ddev 7jA.u0e, KVKXaSi ffeipij
vvaaav es apxo-'-f]^' xxxvii, 3 V. V.
^ Morrheus, xxxvi, speaks of the Ehadamanes as ship-builders :
^Kxaiw Vabafxavas, on SpuTO/mCf} tivi t^x^V
vrias fTtx^Vf^f'V'^o (pxryoTtroX^fiif Aiovvfftp, 414 v. v.
but boasts of Indian skill on the sea : ivSot
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 211
till at length the Cabeirian Eurymedon sends a fire ship
into the midst of the Indians, and a general conflagra-
tion ensues. Deriades (xl b., 75) escapes, renews the
contest on land, and engages in a single combat with
Bacchus ; but, affrighted by the presence of Minerva,^^
he flies towards the Hydaspes, and, struck by the thyrsus
of his adversary, falls and dies in the river. The city
and India submit to the conqueror ; and Bacchus having
raised a monument to those of his troops who have
perished distributes the spoils among the survivors, and
then returns to Lydia. The remaining eight books tell
of the loves and wars and vengeance of Bacchus, and
the poem concludes with his apotheosis.^^
Notwithstanding the probability that through the
Bactrian Greeks some knowledge of the Hindu Epics
may have reached Greece and our author, I am inclined
to think that they were wholly unknown to him.
I. Because his poem speaks of an Indian Empire ex-
tending to the shores of the Mediterranean and Bed
Seas, while the Indian books show us the tide of Indian
. . . . IvSoi yap eOrifjLOves ^lart kvBoi/iov
ewaXiov, Kai fiaWuv apiarivovai BaKaaari
■q x^oi't SrjpiooovTes, 465 V.V.
AOrjvr}
duifioi'i fioTpvcvTi Ttapiararo' dfpKOfjLCPov Se
SeifjiaTi Oeaireaicf \vro yovvara AipiaSrioi. xl, 74 V.V,
Kai deos afnTi\o€is, varpmov aiOepa fiaiPCDv,
varpt aw evcoSivi finjs fxj/avae TpaTref?]?,
Kat Pput€7}p fJLira SotTO, /uera TrpoTiprjv x^'O'"' oivov,
ovpu'^iov TTte V€KTap apuoTepoiari KvireWois
cvvBpovos AnoWcoui, auvtjrios vU'i Manjs. xlviii.
212 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
domination rolling ever south and east, and if west-
ward,^^ never passing the Indus.
■ II. Because, though the names of the Indian cities
and peoples in the Dionysiacs, as edited by the Comte
de Marcellus, pretty fairly correspond with those given
by Ptolemy, Pliny, and Strabo, and are thus accounted
for, the names of its Indian chiefs are with but few
exceptions, as Morrheus, Orontes, etc., purely Greek.
III. Because his Indian facts, manners, and customs
are few, and are :
1st. Such as were long before his time well known to
the Eoman world ; as when he tells of the tearless eyes
with which the Indians bury their dead, and of their
belief in metempsychosis ; and shows them worshipping
earth, water, and the sun, and marshalling their elephants
for war, and calling their Brahmans to counsel, or em-
ploying them as physicians.^
2ndly. Such as were not so well known, but for which
authority may be found in the Indian books ; as when
^ But compare Gildemeister, Scrip. Arab, de Eebus Indicia, pp.
2, 8, 9. The Mababharata also knows of world-conquerors who
necessarily extend their dominion westward; thus for Yudd-
histara, his brother conquered Kalamankas, " La charmante cite
d'Akair et la capitale des Yavanas/' p. 457 ; and Nakaula five
kingdoms, the Civis, Trigattas, Ambashthas, Milasas, and Kar-
patas, p. 439 ; also the Varvaras, Kivatas, Yavanas, Cakas, 440, II,
and again 459, v. iv, but these are geographical names merely ;
there is no indication of any permanent occupation.
1 And the Brahmans heal the wound with magic chaunt just as
in Homer ; thus when Morrheus is wounded —
'0({>pa fiev epdeov e A/cos, 6 fxiv Xax^, ^aifxovn] x^ip
AvaiTTOvov BpaxfJi-Wos aKeaaaro 4>oij8a5t rexvT),
diCTTiaij) fxayov vfxvov {nrorpv^ovros aoidrj. xxxix, 369.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 213
Deriades disgraces Habraatos by depriving him of his
hair — thus Yasichta punishes the Sacas by cutting off
the half of their hair, and the Yavanas by shaving their
heads f and chooses two soldiers of fortune^ for his
sons-in-law — thus their fathers give Sita and Draupati,*
the one to the strongest, the other to the most skilful,
bowman ; and as when Morrheus neglects and deserts
his wife, daughter of Deriades, for a Bacchante — thus
the Hindu Theatre^ affords more than one example of
kings and Brahmans in love with women other than
their wives, as in the Toy-cart, the Necklace, the Statue,^
etc. But however warranted by Indian custom these
several acts, as presented by Nonnos, scarcely associate
themselves with Hindu life, certainly not more than the
name of Deriades with that of Duryodhana, though
they sufficiently remind us of the Greeks of the Lower
Empire/
2 Harivansa, I, p. 68. Langlois, tr.. Or. Tr. Fund ; and Wilson,
Hindu Theatre, 332, II.
3 Of Morrheus —
vvfi(j)ios uKTijiJicov, op6T77 S'e/cTrjtTaro vvfKprjv. xxxiv, 163.
And when Deriades married his daughters, all gifts
. . . . ayfXas $€ jSoevc Kat rrtoea ixr\\o»v
Arjpia^fis aireenre' Kat eypeixodoKTi /iaxTjTOiS
&vyaT€poi)v e^ev^ev aStopoSoKovs ifxevaiovs. ih., 169, 170.
* With a certain reserve " Un roi puissant ne doit introduire
dans un alliance qu'un mortel de la plus haute renommee," says
the father of Draupadi. Mahab. II, p. 167.
6 Wilson's Hindu Theatre, pp. 326 and 364, II.
* See the several plays in Wilson's Hindu Theatre, and some
observations of Wilson's on the plurality of wives among the
Hindus, II, 359.
7 I do not however know that this inappreciation of Indian life
is an evidence of Nonnos's ignorance of the Hindu books, only of
214 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
3rdly. Such as are unsupported by Hindu authority.
Thus Deriades shows himself skilled in the niceties of
Greek mythology, and his wife and daughter Bacchanal-
like rush to the battle f and, as if India were deficient
in wonders, the fathers in Gereion suckle their children,
and Gazos is impregnable with its cotton bulwarks.
The Topographia Christiana (a.d. 535) next claims
our attention. Its author, Cosmas, who had been a
merchant, and who as a merchant had travelled over
the greater part of the then known world, betook him-
self in his latter years to a monastery, and there,
though weak of sight and ailing in body, and not regu-
larly educated,^ set himself in this work to prove, that
our world was no sphere, but a solid plane.^^ He de-
scribes it, and illustrates this and indeed all his
descriptions by drawings,^^ as a parallelogram lying
lengthways east and west, and sloping up very gradually
his want of imagination. With, some play of fancy and the faculty
of verse Nonnos is essentially without the poet's power. His per-
sonages are all conventional, and I suspect that no knowledge of
India, not even had he trudged through it on foot, would have
made them more Indian, more real, and more lifelike.
8 In the Hanuman Nataka, nevertheless, the wife of Ravana, to
animate his drooping courage, offers
*' If you command, by your side I march
Fearless to fight, for I too am a Kshatrya."
Hind. Theat., II, p. 371.
® aaOevwv Tjucov rvyxo-vovToev rcfi re aoofxari, rais tc o^pe<Ti...Trie^onevoov
— aWws T6 Kai Trjs i^codev ejKVKAiov iraibias Kditofx^vav Kai py\ropiKri%
Ttx^n^ ayLQipovvTuv, Lib. II, p. 124. Montfaucon, Nova Collectio
Patrum, vol. ii.
10 Vide Prolog., II, pp. 114-5.
11 Vide the Plates at the beginning of Montfaucon's Nova Col-
lectio Patrum, v. ii, PI. 1.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 215
from its base, but more gradually on its south and west
than on its north and east sides, into a huge conical
mountain round which sun and moon run their courses,
and bring with them day and night.^^ All about this
gTeat mass of earty^ he places an impassable ocean,
communicating with it by four gulfs, the Mediterranean,
Arabic, Persian, and Caspian Seas,^* but eternally
separating it from a trans-oceanic land, where was and is
Eden, the happy birthplace of our race, and whence rise
sheer up those mighty walls which arch themselves into
the firmament above us. Written with such a theme,
enforced by many quotations from scripture misunder-
stood, and the authority of fathers and philosophers,
worthless on this point, the Topographia Christiana is
but dull reading, and would long since have been for-
gotten had it not here and there been lighted up by
some sketch of Cosmas's own travels, some notice of
what liad fallen either under his own observation or that
of other trustworthy and competent witnesses, and
always told with a simplicity and guarded truthfulness
which place him in the first rank of those who know
how to speak of what they have seen, and repeat what
they have heard, just as seen and heard, without ex-
aggeration and without ornament.
Cosmas had a personal knowledge of three of the four
^2 Vide pp. 133-4 and notes, ih.
" The length he computes to be of four hundred mansions of
thirty miles each, its breadth of about two hundred, vide p. 138.
1^ Lib. iv, p. 188, and pp. 188-7, and p. 132 : cim Se tv ravT-p rr/ yri
fi<T^a\\ovT€t €K rov nK(avov...Ko\irotrfcrcrafj€s\..ovToiyap fiovoioi KoKiroi
■nheovTai' ahvvajov vvapx^vros rov CiKtavov Tr\f(a6ai. P. 132.
216 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
inland seas — the Caspian^^ he had not visited. As an
occasional resident at Alexandria (p. 124), he knew the
Mediterranean well. He had sailed down the Eed Sea
from (Ela and Alexandria to Adule ;^^ he had passed the
Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, and had been within sight of,
though he did not land at, the Island of Socotora ;^'^
and thence, if he ever visited India, had stretched across
the main to Ceylon and the Malabar Coast, or, coasting
and trading along the eastern shores of Arabia, had
made for the Persian Gulf and the emporia of the Indus.
Once, too, the ship in which he sailed was on the very
verge of the great ocean, and then the flocks of birds
hovering about, the thick mists, and the swell of
meeting currents^^ warned sailors and passengers of
15 ffXTopias yap X°P^^ firXevaa rovs rptis koXvovs toutouv, rov re Kara
tt]v Vufxaviav Kot rou Apafiiov /cat rov HepaiKov /cat avo ruv oiKovvrmv 56
7] KM irAeovruv rovs roirous oKpijBws fiTiixaQrjKws, p. 132.
^^ Adule €vda KOt rrjv e/jLiropiav votovfxeOa olov avo KKe^avZpeias Kai otto
EAo iixiropevofxfvoi, p. 140.
17 Dioscorides rjv vr)crov irapeir^fvaaneu ov Kar7]\6ou Se €V ourp, p. 179.
Masoudi III, p. 37, speaks of Socotra as colonised by Greeks much,
as Cosmas does, pp. 178-9; but Masoudi by Greeks sent by
Alexander himself, Cosmas by Greeks subjects of the Ptolemies,
his successors. But when the Periplus was written the northern
extremity only was inhabited, and by Indians, Arabs, and
Ethiopians.
18 Masoudi, in his Meadows of Gold, says of the sea of Zanj, " I
have often been at sea, as in the Chinese Sea, the Caspian, the
Eed Sea. I have encountered many perils, but I have found the
sea of Zanj the most dangerous of all," p. 263, and pp. 233-4!
French tr. Soc. Asiat., by Barbier, Eeinaud, and de Courteille. See
also from Albyrouny, by Eeinaud, Journal Asiatique, Sept. — Oct.,
1844, pp. 237-8. But as indicative of the superior experience and
enterprise of his age, compare with Cosmas the description of the
same sea by the author of the Periplus ; he points out its dangers
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 217
their danger, and their remonstrances induced the pilot
to change his course.^^ On the continent he had crossed
the Desert of Sinai on foot f^ he was well known at
Adule f^ he had visited Auxume f^ and indeed had
travelled over the greater part of Egypt and Ethiopia
and the countries bordering on the Arabian Gulf; and
had moreover written an account of them which un-
fortunately has not come down to us.^^
at certain seasons because open to the south wind ; and also how
the danger may be foreseen by the turbid colour of the sea, and
how all then make for the shelter of the great promontory Tabor,
§ 12, I, p. 266, Geog. Min. Glrsec.
^^ Eu ois TTOTf 7r\6U(Taj/T6S 67ri TTjJ' ecTCCTcpau IpSiav (fv T77 TojSpoiroi'Tj, fP
r-p facerepa Ii'Sict ep&a ro IuSikov ireha-yos tan, p. 178), Kai virtpfiavTes
fiiKpcf) irpos rriv Bap0aptap' €vda rrepairepu) to Ziyyioy rvyxo-Vft' ovtw yap
KaAfoviTi ro arofxa rov ClK^avov (K€i (deupovv fifv ft? to Se^m €i(T€pxofifvwv
rjuwv, ir\r)6os vtT€iVQ>v...a KaXovai (Tova<pa,..Kai 8vaafpiav Tto\KT)v oicnt
ZeiXic^v Ttavrai' fXiyov yap travres Ttp Kv0€pvr)rr} aircoae ttiv vavv €iri ra
apicrrepa fis rov koXvop, pp. 132-3. And Bap$apia kvkXovtui vtto rov
riKfavov €K Se^iuiV, p. 137. And, avo A^wjueeos ewy anpwv rrjs Ax^avuTO-
<popov rr]s Aidionias rrjs KaXoviAevrjs Bapfiapias, r]ris Kai 7ropa«€tTat rfp
ClKiav(^, p. 138. The recommendation to the steersman would,
therefore, it seems, have driven them further out to sea, unless we
suppose that they were just doubling the promontorium Aromata,
when it would bring them nearer to the Arabian coast.
2^ 'Cis oiToj «7« Trefoucras ro^s roirous fxaprvpu. Of the desert of
Sinai, p. 205.
21 Here Elesboas commissioned him to copy, the inscription on
the throne of Ptolemy, p. 141.
22 c| Sdv rois o<l)da\fxois rjixcov eOfaaafXiOa fin ra ix(pr) A^wfi^tos €V rp
AidiovKf, p 264.
2J Vide Prologos II. I have noticed only those places which
Cosmas positively states he had visited, but he insinuates a much
wider range of travel. Thus measuring the earth's breadth from
the Hyperborean lands to Sasus, he says there are but two hundred
mansions : aKpifius yap ciriaraixtvoi, /tat ov iroKv Biaixapravoyres rijs
aXrjdfias, ra (jlcv ir\€uaavT6$ Kai oSevaravrfS ra 5' afcpt/3«s fitnaOriKUS
Kartypa^pafxiv, p. 144.
218 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FEOM
But Cosmas, a mercliant and a traveller, mixed mucli
with other merchants and travellers ; and while his
simple and genial nature won their confidence, his
curious and enquiring mind drew from them all they
had to tell of or had seen in other lands that was worthy
of note. With their information he corrected or con-
firmed his own impressions and enlarged and completed
his knowledge. In this way he first heard from Patri-
cius of the dangers of the Zangian Ocean,^* and in this
way he learned the adventures of Sopater ; and in this
way, by going among the slaves^^ of the merchants at
Adule and questioning them about their people and
country, he was able to speak to the correctness of the
inscription on Ptolemy's chair.
As a merchant engaged in the Eastern trade, Cosmas
was interested in and well acquainted with everything
relating to it. He has accordingly noticed the principal
ports at which it was carried on, together with the kinds
of goods which each port specially supplied. He speaks
of China, the country of silk, as lying to the left as you
enter the Indian Sea in the furthest East and on the
very borders of the habitable world, and yet not so far
but that in its cities might occasionally be seen some
Western merchant lured thither by the hope of gain.^^
^ ravra 8e -irapa\a$(av €K rov Oeiov av^pov...riroi Kai aurrjj ttjs rreipas,
fffri/xriva, p. 132.
^ Captain Burton describes the trade at Zanzibar as in the
hands of Arab merchants, who bring with them a train of native
porters, some of them as many as two hundred.
2^ avTTi 5e 7] x<*'P« "^ov nera^iov cariv ev 777 iawnpa. iravroov IvSiq, Kara
TO apurr^pov ixepoi ^ktiovtou rov IvdiKov ireKayeos, and a little before.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 219
Adjoining China^^ to the West was the clove region ;
then came Caber and next Marallo, famed, the one for
its alobandenum, the other for its shells. With Marallo
Ceylon seems to have been in communication, as it
certainly was with the five pepper marts of Male, Pudo-
patana, Nalopatano and Salopatana, Mangarouth^^ and
Purti, and the other ports further northward on the
western coast of the Indian Peninsula, as Sibor and
Calliana^^ a place of great trade where ships might load
with copper, sesamine wood, and clothing stuffs, Orr-
hotha^^ and Sindus, which last exported musk and
androstachys. These Indian marts forwarded their
wares to a great emporium situated on the southern
coast of Ceylon, where they exchanged them for the
silk, cloves, aloes, tsandana, and other merchandise
which came from China and the countries lying east-
ward, or for Koman gold^^ and the manufactures of the
West. In its ports^^ you might see ships freighted for,
C( yap rives Sia fieTa^Tjv eis ra fffxara rrjs yrjs cfiiropias oiKTpas X°-P^^ °^*^
OKvovai hieKQuv, p. 137.
27 For this account of the countries and ports of the East trading
with Ceylon, vide pp. 337-8.
28 "Mangarat, urbs inter Malabaricas maxima regi gentili
obediens," Gildemeister de rebus Indie, p. 184.
29 Calliana : Lassen, Kaljani ; Hippocura on the mainland, some-
what to the north-west of Bombay.
3" Orrhotha, Soratha, Surat.
8^ To the universal use of Eoman gold Cosmas testifies : ev ry
vo/xianart avrcou (Pw/uoicov) f/xiropivovTai, iravra ra t6vT)...0av(xa^oiJ,ivov
irapa vavTos av6puirov...iTfpc^ ^aaiKeicj, ovk inrapx^i to tojouto, p. 148.
^ Ibn Batoutah similarly speaks of Calicut, the great emporium
of his day. " Un des grands ports du Malabar. Les gens de la
Chine, de Java, de Ceylon, des Maldives, du Yaman, et du Fars
s'y rendent, et les trafiquants de diverses regions s'y reunissent.
220 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
X)v coming from, Persia, Ethiopia, and every part of
India, and in its markets you met with men of all
nations, Indians, Persians, Homerites, and merchants of
Adule. Answering to this great commercial city of the
East was Adule in the West, situated some two miles
inland^^ on the southern shore and at no great distance
from the mouth of the Arabian Gulf. It was in direct
and frequent communication with India. The merchants
of (Ela and Alexandria thronged to its markets ; for
there they found, besides the rich productions of the
East, slaves, spices, emeralds,^* and ivory, from Ethiopia
and Barbaria.
Besides the sea route from China to the Persian Grulf,
Cosmas speaks also of another and a shorter road^^ which
led through Juvia,^^ India, and Bactria to the eastern con-
fines of Persia one hundred and fifty stations, and thence
through Nisibis, eighty stations, to Seleucia, thirteen
stations more, and each station he computes at about
thirty miles. That this road was much frequented may
be gathered from the quantities of sUk always to be
found in Persia and which it brought there ; but that
it was used only by Persian, and not by Eoman mer-
chants,^'' I presume from the exaggerated length attri-
Son port est au nombre des plus grands du monde,*' iv, 89.
Dufremery, tr.
83 Vide pp. 140 and 338.
34 Vide p. 339.
'^ SiaTf/xvei ovv iroWa ^laarrifiara 6 Sia ttjs 65ou cpxofJievos airo
T^ivir^as €iri HepariSa, 6d€v Kat, -irKridos ficTa^iov oet 67ri ttji/ Uepai^a
(vpi(TK€Tai, p. 138, B.
•^ lb. " Vaticanus autem Ouwia secunda inanu.*' Note.
3' Ammianus MarceUinua seems to intimate that in his time
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 221
biited to it by Cosmas, and his generally vague account
of it.38
He speaks of Ceylon as situated in the Indian Sea
beyond the pepper country midway between China and
the Persian Gulf,^^ and as lying in the midst of a cluster
of islands which are all covered with cocoanut trees*^
and have springs of fresh water. On the authority of
the natives he gives it a length and breadth of about
two hundred miles each, and states that it is divided
into two hostile kingdoms. Of these the country of the
Hyacinth has many temples, and one with a pinnacle
which is surmounted by a hyacinth the size they say of
a fir cone, of a blood red colour, and so bright that when
the sun shines upon it, it is a wondrous sight. ^^ The
this road was travelled by Eoman merchants : " Prseter quorum
radices et vicum quein Lithinon pyrgon appellant iter longissimum
mercatoribus petitum ad Seras subinde commeantibus," p. 335.
^ Nisibis and Pekin are on the thirty-seventh and fortieth
parallels of north latitude respectively, and the one on the forty-
first, the other on the one hundred and seventeenth parallels of
longitude ; there are consequently seventy-six degrees of longitude
between them. But according to Cosmas there are two hundred
and thirty stations of thirty miles each, or 6,900 miles. In the
same way between Seleucia and Nisibis he places thirteen stations,
or 390 miles, whereas there are in fact but four degrees of latitude.
Might then these fiuvai airo fiiKiov A' be airo fiiXiov k of twenty
miles, which would pretty fairly give the real distance ?
89 " L'ile de Kalah," Point de Galle, " qui est situee a mi-chemin
entre les terres de la Chine et le pays des Arabes." Eelations
Arabes, p. 93. It was then the centre of traffic both from and for
Arabia, 94 id.
*> apyeWia (p. 336 Cosmas). The narikala of the Hindus, and
the nardgyl of the Arabs. Eel. Arabes, LVII Discours Prel. ; and
for an account of the islands, id., p. 4.
•»i Hiouen-Thsang (a.d. 648, some century after Cosmas) thus :
222 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
other kingdom occupies the rest of the island, and is
celebrated for its harbour and much frequented markets.
The king is not of the same race as the people.
In Cosmas's time India seems to have been parcelled
out into many petty sovereignties ; for besides these two
kings of Ceylon he knows of a king of Malabar, and
kings of Calliena, Sindus, etc., but all these rajahs seem
to have acknowledged the supremacy of, and paid tri-
bute to, Gollas, king of the White Huns,*^ a white people
settled in the northern parts of India. Of this Gollas
he relates that besides a large force of cavalry he could
bring into the field two thousand elephants, and that
his armies were so large that once when besieging an
inland town defended by a water fosse, his men, horses
" A c6te du palais du roi s'el^ve le Yihara de la dent de Bouddha.
. . . Sur le sommet du Vihara on a eleve une fleche surmontee
d'une pierre d'une grande valeur, appellee rubis. Cette pierre
precieuse repand constamment un eclat resplendissant. Le jour
et la nuit en regardant dans le lointain, on croit voir une etoile
lumineuse," II, p. 141. Fa-hian, however, who was at Ceylon,
A.D. 410 : " Dans la ville on a encore construit un edifice pour une
dent de Foe. II est entierement fait avec les sept choses pre-
cieuses," p. 333. Fa-hian thus mentions this Vihara, and, as if
only lately built, but says nothing of the hyacinth, probably
placed there subsequently to his time, v. Marco Polo, 449, Societe
Geog., ed.
^2 To OvvvcDV r(ov E(f)6a\ir(av tQvos, ovairep XevKovs ovofia^ovcri. Pro-
copius, de Bell. Pers., I, III, p. 15. EtpBaKirai 5e Owvikov fiev sBvos
€uri /cat ovofJi.a^ovrai...ixovoi. Se ovtoi AeuKOi re ra aufxara Kai ovk afxaptpoi
Tas o^eis f Iff IV, p. 16, id. The valley of the Indus seems to have
been occupied by a Tartar tribe, even in the first century of our
era. Ptolemy calls the lower Indus Indo-Scyth. Eeinaud, Mem.
sur rinde, p. 8 1 and p. 104.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 223
and elephants, first drank up the water, and then
inarched into the place dryshod.*^
He speaks of elephants as necessary to the state of an
Indian monarch, and of the petty rajahs of the sea-board
as keeping some five, some six, hundred elephants, and
of the king of Ceylon as having moreover a stud of
horses which came from Persia and were admitted into
his ports duty free.^ His elephants he bought and paid
for according to their size at from fifty to one hundred
golden pieces^^ each, and sometimes even more. They
were broken in for riding and were sometimes pitted to
fight against one another, but with their trunks only, a
barrier raised breast high preventing them from coming
to closer quarters. The Indian elephants he observes
have no tusks and are tameable at any age, while those
of Etliiopia to be tamed must be caught young.*^^
As a Christian he naturally observed, and as a monk
willingly recorded, the state of Christianity in the East.
*3 Cosmas Indicopleustes. Montfaucon, Nova Coll. Patrum, I,
p. 338.
** Tows 86 liTTTOvs airo Tlepaidos <t)€pov(riv aury, Kai ayopa^ci Kai Tiju^
arfXeiav tovs (pepovraSy p. 339. This importation of horses into
India, and from Persia, continues to this day, and is frequently-
alluded to by Ibn Batoutah ; those from Pars were preferred, pp.
372-3, II, but they were then subject to a duty of seven silver
dinars each horse, ih., p. 374.
45 vofxtaixara, p. 339. The word used by Sopater in the preceding
page, consequently a gold coin, see Embassy to Ceylon. Proco-
pius observes that neither the Persian king, nor indeed any bar-
barian sovereign, places his effigy on his coins (II, 417). " The
Parthian and some of the Hindu kings did." — Wilson's Ariana
Antiqua.
*^ P. 339, u. s., and compare p. 141, with regard to the Ethiopian
elephants from the inscription at Adule.
224 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
In Ceylon there was a Christian church of Persian
residents, with a priest and deacons and other ecclesi-
astical officers,*^ all from Persia. At Male, Calliena, a
bishop's see, and the Island of Dioscorides*^ (Socotora),
were Christian communities, also dependent on Persia
for their ministers and subject to the Persian metro-
politan ; and this, though in the case of Socotora the
inhabitants, colonists from the time of the Ptolemies,
were Greeks and spoke Greek. In Bactria too and
among the Huns and other Indians and indeed through-
out the known world*^ were numberless churches,
bishops, and multitudes of Christians, with many-
martyrs, monks, and hermits.
He describes and gives drawings of some of the
animals and plants of Ethiopia and India. - In general
he closes his descriptions^^ by stating, either that he has
^7 Kai -iraaav rrfv cKKXrjnriaa-riKrjv Xeirovpyiav, p. 337, U. S.
''s So also the Relations Arabes of Socotora : " La plupart de
ses habitants sont Chretiens... Alexandre y envoya une colonic de
Grecs...ils embrasserent la religion Chretienne. Les restes de
ces Grecs se sont maintenues jusqu' aujourd'hui, bien que dans
I'ile il se soit conserve des hommes d'une autre race," p. 139, and
see also note, pp. 217-59, II, v., where Eeinaud refers to both
Cosmas and the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea ; see also Marco
Polo, p. 702, Marsden's ed.
49 Cosmas goes through the several nations in detail ; but having
to do only with India I omit particulars. I observe, however,
that he gives no Christians to China, though Masoudi says of
Canton, in the tenth century : " the town is inhabited by Mos-
lims. Christians, Jews, and Magians, besides the Chinese." —
Meadows of Gold, 324, I. In the space of three, rather two and a
half (V. Relations Arabes, p. 13), centuries then Mahomedanism
had penetrated to China. At the same rate of progress Chris-
tianity should have been known there in the third century,
50 For these descriptions, vide pp. 344-5, and the drawings at
the beginning of II, v, Montfaucon's Nova Coll. Patrum.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 225
himself seen what he has been just describing and
where and how he saw it, or if he have not seen it, what
personal knowledge he has of it. Thus to his notice of
the rhinoceros he adds, that he saw one in Ethiopia and
was pretty near it ; to that of the Cheirelephus, that he
had both seen it and eaten its flesh ; to that of the hip-
popotamus, that he had not seen it but had bought and
sold its teeth ; and to that of the unicorn, that he had
only seen a statue of one in brass standing in the four-
turreted palace in Ethiopia. But when he comes to
speak of the bos agrestis, the moschos, and the pepper^^
and cocoanut trees, animals and plants belonging to
India, I observe that he does not even hint at any per-
sonal knowledge of them, and I ask myself — Was
Cosmas ever in India ?
When his ship was nearly carried away into the Great
Ocean, Cosmas was then bound for Inner India f^ and as
he calls Taprobane an island of Inner India, by Inner
India I presume that, unlike the ecclesiastical writers
of his age, he intends not Ethiopia and Arabia Eelix,
but the Indian Peninsula. Again in another place
after having spoken of Ceylon and alluded to the prin-
cipal marts of India, to the White Huns settled on its
northern frontier and the lucrative commerce the
'^^ He describes the pepper tree as a sort of vine, very unlike
the pepper trees I have seen at Palermo. He probably means the
betel. " The betel is a species of pepper, the fruit grows on a
vine, and the leaves are employed to wrap up the areca nut." —
Heeren, Hist. Ees., II, 294. "The betel is found in the two
Indian peninsulas, Malabar and Arracan." — Id., 295.
^2 See suj^ra, note 19, p. 217.
Q
226 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
Ethiopians carry on with them in emeralds,^^ he adds,
" and all these things I know partly of my own know-
ledge and partly from what I have learned by diligent
inquiry made at no great distance from the places them-
selves." But this surely is no evidence of India visited,
at least not such evidence as is before us of his having
been at Auxume where at mid-day with his own eyes
he saw the shadows falling south ; at Adule, where at
the request of Elesboas he copied the inscription on
Ptolemy's chair \^^ or in Sinai, which he trudged through
on foot listening to the Jews as they read for him the
Hebrew letters sculptured on its boulders.^^ So, notwith-
standing that he passed the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb
and lay off the Island of Socotra ; notwithstanding his
name of Indicopleustes and his vague assertions ; and,
more than all, notwithstanding his narrative, which is
sober as fact and commonplace as reality, I cannot help
doubting that he ever was in India.
On a review of these notices of India, it seems : 1st.
That for nearly a century after the fall of Palmyra no
53 Id., II, 339. *' Autrefois on portait dans l*Inde Temeraude qui
vient d'Egypte" (Eel. Arabes?), 153, I, 232,11. Olympiodorus,
Excerp. de Legat., p. 466, Corp. Byz.
^ For Auxume, vide Cosmas, Montfaucon, II, Col. nova Patrum,
II, p. 264. Adule, p. 144, id.
^^ ddey cariv iSeiP ev €K€ivr) rri eprjixq) rov 'S.ivaiov opovs ev iratTais rats
Karairavaeai iravras tovs \idovs twu avToOi, tovs e/c ruv opeuv airoKXwfi-
/xivovs^ycypa/j.iJ.fvovs ypafifxacri yAinrrots 'E$paiKois, &>s avros iyw irf^ovaas
rovs roTTovs p.apTvpa>. aiiva nai rives lovSaioi avayvovres SirjyovvTO Vfxiu^
\iyoVT€i y€ypa(pOai ovrws — ampais rov 5e, eK ^uAtjs rrfS Se, erei rcfSe,
fi.rji'i rifSf — Kada Kai Trap' Tjfxiv voWaKis rivis iv rais lenois ypa<povaiv. —
p. 205. Does be allude to tbe Nabatbsean inscriptions : " qui
couvrent les parois des rocbers de la presqu'ile du mont Sinai"'? —
Eeiuaud, Mem. sur la Merene, p. 12, tirage a part ; and for tbese
inscriptions, Journal Asiatique, Jan. and Feb., 185U.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 227
important mention of India was made by any Greek or
Latin writer whatever. 2ndly. That the accounts of
India which then and afterwards appeared, whether in
Travels, Geographies, Histories, or Poems, those in the
Topograph! a Christiana excepted, were all in the main
made up of extracts from the writings of previous ages
and added nothing to our knowledge of India. 3rdly.
That of such writings these compilers in general pre-
ferred, not those which recorded authenticated facts,^^
but those which worked most on the imagination ; and
they indeed heightened their effect by new matter of the
same character. 4thly. That these writings gradually
took rank with, and even displaced the more critical
studies of Strabo, Arrian, Ptolemy, etc. Thus the
Periegesis of Dionysius,* on which Eustatius wrote a
commentary, and the Geography of the anonymous
writer who so far as I know first gave locality to Eden,
were honoured by Latin translations, and judging from
the currency their fictions obtained became the text
books of after ages. Thus too the Bassarika of Dionysius
for Indian countries and towns is more frequently re-
ferred to than either Strabo or Arrian by Stephanos
Byzantius; and thus the Apollonius of Philostratus
becomes an authority for Suidas/^ and the Theban
Scholasticus for both Suidas and Cedrenus, who borrow
from him their accounts of the Brahmans/^ to which
^ The description of India in Ammianus Marcellinus must be
excepted from this censure, v.
* Bernhardyus places Dionysius at the end of the third or early
in the fourth century, the latest date assigned him. — Proleg. Geog.
Min., V. II.
'7 Vide sub vocibus, Poros et Brahmans. Suidas.
^8 Hist. Comp., 267-8, I, v, Bonn. Here the description of the
228 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
Cedrenus adds some particulars drawn, partly from the
anonymous Geography probably, partly from the Pseudo-
Callisthenes^ and partly from some other writer whom I
am unable to identify. 5 1 lily. That of Eastern travellers
in the fourth and fifth centuries many were priests ; as
we may surmise from the number of Christian churches^^
in India, which were all subject to the Persian metro-
politan,^^ and which all received their ecclesiastical mi-
nisters from Persia, or sent them there for education and
ordination ; and as we gather from the frequent mention
of priests in the travels of those ages. Thus the author
of the Tract inscribed to Palladius,^^ and the Theban
Scholasticus visit India in company, the one of the
Bishop of Adule, the other of a priest. And Cosmas
travels on one occasion with Thomas of Edessa after-
wards metropolitan of Persia, and with Patricius of
the Abrahamitic order ; and in his latter years he be-
comes a monk, as does also Monas,^^ who assisted him in
copying the inscription on the throne of Ptolemy. 6thly.
That notwithstanding the religious spirit which evidently
Brahmans is from Palladius; of tlie Macrobioi from the Geo-
graphy ; the story of Candace from the pseudo-Callisthenis, III,
23 ; but whence Alexander's visit to Britain ?
59 V. from Cosmas, supra, p. 26.
60 Jesujabus of Adiabene, Patriarch a.d. 650 (Assemann, III, p.
313), thus remonstrates with Simeon, Primate of Persia : " At in
vestra regione ex quo ab eccles. canon defecistis interrupta est
ab Indise populis sacerdotalis successio : nee India solum qua a
maritimis reg. Pers. finibus usque ad Colon spatio 1200 parasangis
extenditur, sed et ipsa Pers. regio...in tenebris jacet.'' — Asse-
mann, Bib. Or., Ill, 131.
61 Palladius was himself a great traveller, vide Hist. Lausiaca,
Lauso Epistola, p. 897, III, Bib. Vet. Patrum, ed. de la Bigne^ as
indeed were the monks and priests of these ages, ib., passim.
62 He entered the monastery of Eaithu, Eiim. Cosmas, p. 195.
CL.\UDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 229
animated the travel writers of these times, their accounts
of other and far countries are, contrary to what one might
have expected, singularly silent on the subject of the
religions of the people they visited. I have already ex-
pressed my surprise, that the earlier Christian fathers,
who to win the attention of the sleeping nations called
up from their tombs the forgotten creeds of Chaldsea and
Phoenicia, Assyria and Egypt, should never have ap-
pealed to the living faith of Buddha. Its ritual was not
unlike the Christian. Like Christianity, it rejected the
claims of race and country and in itself found another
and stronger bond of brotherhood. Like Christianity, it
was a religion Catholic and Apostolic, and to attest its
truth not a few had died the martyr's death. It was the
creed of an ancient race. It was shrouded too in a
mystery which startled the self-sufficiency of the Greek
and awakened to curiosity even Eoman indifference.
It was besides eminently fitted to elucidate Christian
doctrines, and therefore to draw to itself the attention
of Christian writers f^ and yet — the name of Buddha
stands a phantom in their pages. But then few were
the Hindus who visited the Eoman world, and all as
^ Buddhism and Buddhist practices attracted the attention of
the earliest travellers of our age. Vide Carpinus, in Hakluyt, 64, 1,
and Rubruqnis, 118, 127-8 ib., Marco Polo, p. 47, S. G. ed., and a
summary of what was known of Buddhism in his own time in
Maffei, Hist. Indie, p. 169, 12mo. Marco Polo too has given an
account of Buddha, pp. 449-50, u. s., with some errors, no doubt,
but wonderfully correct and detailed when compared with the
short notices in Greek writers. But still none of these early
travellers I am bound to say connect, or see any similarity be-
tween, the Buddhist and Christian services. Marco Polo only
observes of Buddha "si fuisset Christianus fuisset apud Deum
maximus factus/' ibid.
230 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
merchants lived buying and selling, though not all were
Buddhists. And if here and there one more earnestly-
religious than his fellows was eager to preach Buddha's
law, whom could he address and where find an inter-
preter for thoughts so far out of the range of the ordi-
nary Greek intellect? Allow however that he had
studied and mastered the Greek language. Among his
auditory, the merchants with whom he traded, the few
men of letters if any who sought his society — that a
Christian, one of a small community, should have been
found, is an accident scarcely to be expected ; and the
silence of the fathers is thus in some measure intelligible.
But now that we have a Christian church in Ceylon,
and Christians who are daily witnesses of the ceremonial
of Buddhist worship, who have heard of Buddha's life
and miracles and mission, and have visited the monas-
teries where his followers retire to a life of prayer and
self-denial, I cannot understand how it is that no word
relating to this wide-spread faith has reached the ears of
Cosmas, or has attracted the notice of Syrian bishops,
and that these ages are worse informed on Buddhism
than was that of Clemens Alexandrinus.
We will now trace the changes which took place in
the commercial relations of Eome and India. When
Palmyra fell, Alexandria did not as might have been
expected inherit its Indian trade and the wealth and
power that trade brought with it. For when Palmyra
fell, Alexandria was suffering from civil war, recent
siege and capture. Its citizens had been given up to
plunder and put to the sword, and Bruchium, its noblest
quarter, razed to the ground.^"* It was overwhelmed by
^^ See from Ammianus Marcel, and Eusebius, notes, supra, p. 166*
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 231
its own disasters, and in no condition to engage in dis-
tant and costly ventures. But when Palmyra fell, the
fleets Arab and Indian which fed its markets did not
perish in its fall. The ships and crews lived still, the
populations to whose wants they ministered^^ had not
disappeared. The old demand remained. For a moment
the course of trade is disturbed. A great mart has been
destroyed, and others must be found or created to take
its place. At first probably the merchant fleets, as was
their wont, made for Vologesocerta, and there delivered
their cargoes, which perhaps found a way up the right
bank of the Euphrates to Apamia, and thence to Antioch
and the cities of Syria. But the cost of transit and the
want of a back freight must very soon have closed up
this route, in so far at least as it was the route to the
Syrian sea-board, though doubtless the river remained
always the great highway for the supply of Mesopotamia
and the neighbouring states. And now it was, that the
Arabs and Indians probably began to frequent the ports
which, unknown to Strabo and Pliny, studded according
to Ammianus Marcellinus the Persian Gulf;^^ hither
they brought the products of the East, and hence shipped
horses, for which they found a ready sale among the
kings and nobles of India and Ceylon. And now too
it was that the Arabs^^ turned their attention to the Eed
^ Appian thus describes tlie Palmyrenes : A.vT(i)vio5...f'inKa\wv
ouTOiS, dri Puixaiwv Kai Ilapdvaiuu ovt€s €(popiai, ey CKarepovs €iri5e|iCD$
€ixov envupoi yap ovres, Kofn^ovai fx^v 6K li^pcruv ra IvZiKi Kai ApafiiKa,
ZiaridevTai 5' tv ttj Pco/jiaKDv, de Bel. Civil., v, ix.
^ " Cujus sinus per oras omnes oppidorum est densitas et
vicorum, naviumque crebri decursus," xxiii, 6, II.
^ Some believe the last Permaul (of Cochin) was induced by
232 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FKOM
Sea route,^ once in the hands of the Alexandrian mer-
chants, but now neglected. In a deep bay on the
western shores of the Arabian Gulf,^^ the first after
having entered the straits which afforded shelter and a
safe anchorage, they found Adule, the chief port of
Ethiopia, though only a neat village in the time of the
Periplus. They saw that access to it both from East and
West was easy ; that it lay beyond the confines, and was
not subject to the fiscal regulations, of the Eoman Empire;
that its mixed population, of which the Arab race formed
no inconsiderable part, was friendly and eager to forward
their views. On Adule then they fixed as the depot
for their trade, and soon raised it from a village and
petty port to be one of the world's great centres of com-
merce.
But under the immediate successors of Aurelian (died
A.D. 275), the Eoman Empire was in so disturbed a
state, and under Diocletian (a.d. 283-304) Alexandria
suffered so fearfully for its recognition of Achilleus, that
its merchants were probably compelled, and not disin-
clined, to leave the whole Indian trade in the hands of
the Arabs, who had always been not only carriers by
the Jains (a.d. 378, 52) to proceed to Mekka, at which place many
of their faith were established, carrying on a trade with India which
subsequently fell into Moorish hands. Day, Land of the Perinauls,
p. 44, he refers to a paper by Kookel Kelso Nair, Madras Quarterly
Journal of Science, no year, volume, or page.
^ It had been known from old time. Agartharohides (2nd cent.
B.C.) speaks of the native boats which from the Fortunate Islands
(probably Socotora) traded with Pattala, on the Indus. Be Mari
Eryth., § 133. Muller, Geog. Min., I, p. 191.
69 ifxTtopiov vofxtfiov Keifxevov ev KoKirtp Bad(i...airo oTaSiuv eiKoai TTfS
daKaaarjs €<ttiv t) Adovhis KoofXTi avfjifurpos. — Periplus, § 45 or § 4.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 233
land and sea but traders also, as the story of Scytliianus
proves ; and who, as they travelled from city to city,
carried their wares''^ with them and wherever they
stopped exposed them for sale and thus supplied the
immediate wants of the neighbourhood and the trades-
men of the district. But with the restoration of order,
during the long reign of Constantine, the Eoman
merchant grew wealthy and enterprising ; he extended
the sphere of his operations, and though, partly from
inability to compete with the cheaply built but well
manned craft of the Arabs, and partly from long disuse
and consequent ignorance of the Indian seas, he does
not seem to have again ventured his ships upon them,
yet he gradually recovered his old position in the
Arabian Gulf, and at least shared in its trade from
Adule homeward.71 To Adule he himself resorted, and
at Adule through his agents^^ managed his dealings with
70 The wealth of Scythianiis, when it came into the handa
of Manes, consisted xp^co^ «o" apyvpov Kai apw/jLarcDU Kai aWwv (Epi-
phanius con. Manichse. 617, I) showing that Scythianus's journey
to Jerusalem, if undertaken primarily in the interest of truth, was
not without some commercial object.
^ Both by his ships on the Red Sea and his fleets of boats on the
Nile. Of Roman ships on the Red Sea we know from Cosmas and
Procopius (de Bello Pers., I, 19, p. 101). Of the traffic on the
Nile we may get some notion from the ruse employed by Athan-
asius to escape from his pursuers (Photius, Hoeschiel, p. 1448),
and more directly from the wealth Palladius gives an Alexandrian
merchant, avipu tvXafi-qv Kai <pi\oxpi<TTOv, Svo fxvpiaSar XP^"''**'""' irpay-
^lartvofxivov fiera eKUTov trKotutv €k ttjs avcoTtpas 0rjj8ai5oj Kanovra.
LXV, Hist. Lausiaca.
'2 I conclude this from a passage in Procopius already cited in
part. Telling of the slaves and adventurers left behind him by
Hellestheeus, on his return from the conquest of the Homerites,
234 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
the East, leaving to the Arabs and perhaps the Indians
all the risks and profits of tlie ocean voyage.
But that Eoman intercourse with India was indirect
and kept up by Arab vessels is so contrary to received
opinion, that T will now cite and examine the few events
and notices'^^ bearing on the Indian trade which are to
be met with in ancient writers. And,
I. The embassy to Julian'''* (a.d. 361) is scarcely con-
ceivable, unless during his reign or rather that of Con-
stantine some and probably a commercial intercourse
existed between India and the Eoman Empire.^^ But
he says ovroi 6 Xecas aw irepois riciv EaiUKpaicp Tip ^a(n\fi (Travaarav-
Tfs avrov fxip eu riPi rcav ^KeLi'ij (ppovpiuv Kadeip^au, erepopSe 'O/mepirais
fiaaiKea KareaT-rjaavTo Afipafiop ficp opu/xa' 6 Se APpafxos ovtos xptariavos
fxep r)v, 5<)v\o9 Se Pco/xatov apSpos, eu n-oAft AidioTiOfP A5ovXi8i ini ttj Kara
daKaacrap epyaaia diarpilirjP exovros. — Id., I, p. 20, 105. And that
commercial agents were of old date may be shown from Relations
Arabes, I, 68.
'^ From Alexander's conquest of India to the close of Justinian's
reign embraces a period of about nine hundred years ; from the
rediscovery of India in a.d. 1498 to the publication of Maflfei's
Historise Indices not a century elapsed ; and yet Maffei has given
an account of India and China, of the manners, customs, charac-
ters, and religions of their peoples with which not all the notices
of India collected from nine centuries of Greek and Eoman writers
are to be compared for falness and accuracy. Does not this in
itself go far to prove that our relations with the East in Maffei's
time merely commercial and religious were very different from
those of Greece and Rome, which at first purely political were then
frequent and intimate, but which in the end became commercial
only and must have been confined to an interchange of goods, and
that without any intercourse with the people ?
74 Vide supra, pp. 125-6.
■^5 In a Geographical Tract, Totius Orb is Descriptio, translated
from the Greek and written a.d. 350-3, Geog. Minor., II, 520, it is
said oi Alexandria : " Hsec cum Indis et Barbaris negotia gerit
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAIT. 235
as for sucli an embassy, the presence at the Sinhalese
Court of any enterprising Eoman merchant, a Sopater,
and who like Sopater may have reached Ceylon in an
Adulitan ship, would fully account, — and indeed its
Serendivi, so much more akin to the Serendib of the
Arabs than the Salike of Ptolemy, smacks of Arab
companionship and must have filtered through Arab
lips— I cannot look upon it as indicative of an inter-
course either direct or frequent.
II. Epiphanius (about a.d. 375) gives some few de-
tails relating to this trade. In his story of Scythianus
he speaks of the Eoman ports of entry in the Eed Sea,
CEla, the Alah of Solomon, Castron Clysmatos,"^^ and
Berenice, and observes that through Berenice Indian
wares are distributed over the Thebaid, and by the Nile
are carried down to Alexandria and the land of Egypt,
and to Pelusium, and thus passing by sea into different
cities, iraTpiha^^p the merchants from India import their
goods into the Eoman territory. From this passage,
written at the close of the fourth century, it appears :
merito ; aromata et diversas species pretiosas omnibus regionibus
niittit." But another version, ih., " supra caput enim habens
Thebaidis Indorum genus et accipiens omnia prsestat omnibus" —
thus showing that although dealing in Indian wares its Indians
were only Ethiopians.
76 So called because here the Israelites crossed over the Eed Sea.
Cosmas, Montfaucon, Col. Nov. Pat., p. 194.
77 'Opuoi yap ttjv Epv9p7]s OaAaaarjs Siatpopoi, eiri ra (nofiia rrjs Pw/xo-
Pias SiaKiKpi/xfVOi, 6 fxev eh €iri rrju Ai\av...6 5e erepos (iri ro Kaarpov
KKvafiUTos' aWws 5e avwraron fxi rrjv BepviKTiv KaK(wpi.iVir\v, 5t' 7]S BepviKtjs
KaXovfxevns em r-qv &r)0ai^a (pepovrai Kai to otto ttjs IvSikti^ epxafifpa eiSr}
fKfi(re TT) @r}0aiSi SiaxvvfTai, icai €irt ttji/ AXe^auSpeiav 5ia TOu...Ne(Aou
Kai fTTi iraaav tcdi' PnyvnTtDV yrju, Kai firi to TlfAovtriov (peperai, Kai ovtus
€t$ ras aAAas TrarpjSas Sta 6a\aaarjs Sifpxofifvoi ol ano ttjj USiktjs firi ttji*
Vwfiai'iai^ ffjiiropevovTai. — Epiphanius, a. Hseres., XL VI, p. 618, I.
236 INDIAN E:,IB ASSIES, FROM
1st. That EpijDlianius speaks of Indian goods as then
imported by sea and through one port, Berenice, into the
Eoman Empire.
2ndly. That he uses the same terms^^ to designate
both the imported goods and the importing merchants,
and thus possibly intimates that like the goods the
merchants also were " Indian," i.e., Arabs of either
Ethiopia or Eastern Arabia, the Indians of the ecclesi-
astical writers of this age. Indeed one might ask
whether it was not owing to their association with
Indian wares that these peoples came to be themselves
known as Indians.
ordly. That he makes no mention of Adule. But
Adule, however closely connected with the ocean trade
between Kome and India, was really an Ethiopic city,
and could therefore scarcely find a place in this itinerary
which begins with the Eoman ports of entry.
III. The presence at Alexandria (some time before
A.D. 470) of those Hindus whom Severus lodged in his
house."^^ I have already remarked on the inexplicable
proceedings of these travellers who, as they were neither
merchants nor public officers, could only have travelled
for amusement or instruction, and who took every pre-
caution against either.^^ I would now direct attention
'8 ra airo rrjs Iv^ikt^s epxofJL^va etSrj and Siepxonevoi ol airo rrjs IfSiffTjs.
The lighter and more precious wares are expressed by the word
6t57], as spices, pearls, etc. It corresponds with the "notions" of
American commerce.
79 Vide supra, p. 189.
^ Many an English traveller might be cited whose habits abroad
very much resemble those of Damascius' Hindus. But then we
travel for fashion's sake a good deal, because we must ; but a
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAIT. 237
to the character as well of Severus who received, as of
Damascius who has recorded their visit. Both clung to
the old superstition : and the one was supposed to favour
its re-establishment by his personal influence and the
other by his writings, the very dotage of "Platonic
Paganism."^^ Both were credulous : and as Severus
would without examination and only too eagerly have
welcomed as guests any men calling themselves Hindus
with whom he became acquainted, so Damascius would
have noticed a visit of any reputed Hindus, whether
made or not, if said to be made to such a man. The
visit is open to suspicion.
IV. The Indian embassy to Justinian. Malalas notices
two Indian Embassies, either of which may possibly be
Hindu. The first reached Constantinople with its gifts
the same year (a.d. 530) that John of Cappadocia was
made Praetorian Prsefect ; the second with an elephant
about the time (a.d. 552) that Narses was sent into
Italy against the Goths.'^^ Now with regard to the
first of these embassies, as in Malalas the Ethiopians
and Eastern Arabs are called Indians,'^^ the question
arises whether this embassy does not properly belong to
Hindu who leaves liis country travels because he has in him the
spirit of travel ; he travels as Mango Park did, Belzoni, Burkhardt,
and many others, impelled by the strong desire to see strange men
and strange lands.
^ See Gibbon, Decline and Fall, c. xxxvi, sub an. 468, and the
extracts from Damascius, in Photius Bibliotheca, p. 1042.
S2 V. from Malalas, note supra, p. 126, and Malalas, p. 484.
IvdiKTiwvos 17' TrpeaPevTrjs h'Soov KttTfir(fi<pdr] fxera kul c\c<pavTos €V
KotvaraurivoTToKfi.
^ Malalas, u. s., and p. 457; also Asseman, Bib. Orient., lY, pp.
452-3.
238 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FKOM
some one or other of these peoples ; and to answer it we
must enter into some detail. From Malalas and Pro-
copius^* we gather : that there were seven Indian king-
doms, three Homerite, and four Ethiopian; that the
Ethiopians occupied the regions lying eastwards and
extending to the ocean, and carried on a great trade from
Auxume with Rome through the Homerite country; that
some time prior^ to a.d. 529, Dimnos, Damianus (Theo-
phanes), Dunaan (Asseman), the Homerite king, who
with many of his people was of the Jewish persuasion,
seized upon some Roman merchants while traversing his
dominions in pursuit of their business, confiscated their
goods and put them to death, in retaliation as he pre-
tended for the continued persecutions to which Jews
were subjected in the Roman states ; that the Auxumi-
tan trade with Rome was in consequence interrupted,
and that the Auxumitan king, aggrieved by the injury
to himself and the wrongful death of his allies, invaded
and subdued the Homerites, and in fulfilment of a vow
contingent on his success declared himself a Christian.
To this Ethiopian sovereign or rather his successor, called
Elesboas by Malalas, Hellesthoeus^^ by Procopius, on the
8« Malalas, p. 433. Procopius, de Bello Pers., p. 104. The
division of the Indians into kingdoms belongs to Malalas ; the
slaughter of the Eoman merchants and its cause and consequences
to both.
^ In A.D. 522-524, vide Asseman, u. s., I, 865, note and text,
where is an, if genuine, extraordinary letter of Dunaan' s, in which
with evident satisfaction he details all the cruelties, and they
are fearful, which he has inficted on the Christians within his
power, no one of whom has wavered in his faith.
^ The converted king Malalas calls Andas, p. 434, Theophanes
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAX. 239
breaking out of the Persian AVar (a.d. 529), Justinian
sent an embassy, and adjured him by their common
faith to invade the Persian territory, and breaking off
all commercial relations with the Persians to send ships
to those Indian ports where silk was to be found and
there purchase it, and thence by way of the Homerite
country and down the Nile and through Egypt to im-
port it into Alexandria; and as an inducement to
attempt this enterprise he held out to him the prospect
of a monopoly and the hopes of great profits. But
Procopius observes that, though the Ethiopians promised,
and exerted themselves, they failed, to gain a share in
the silk trade : for they found the ground already occu-
pied by Persian merchants who everywhere forestalled
them in the Indian markets. ^^ And Malalas concludes
his account of this negotiation by stating that Elesboas
in return sent an Indian ambassador with letters, aaKpa^,
and gifts to the Koman Emperor. Is then our Indian
Embassy the same as this one from Elesboas ?^^ and does
Adad J Aidog, Asseman, u. s., I, 359, notes 5 and 6. The king of
the Embassy, Cosmas like Malalas knows as Elesboas. The am-
bassador I should have thought was Nonnosus, who left an account
of his embassy, and from the ambassador, whoever he was (Pro-
copius calls him Julianus, as also Theophanes, Chronog., p. 377),
Malalas derived his information, pp. 457-8 ih., and he gives a
graphic description of this barbaric court.
^ To<5 T€ At0to\|/t T7]P /xera^av covfiffOai irpos rcav JvZcov oBvvarov rfV.
firei oet 56 oi Tlepaav ffxiropoi irpos avrois TOis do/mois "yet'o/JLevoi (ov Se
trpwTa al tujv YvZtav vrjej Karaipovaiv^ are x«paf -npoaoiKouvTes rr\v Sixopov),
avavTa coveiadai ra (popria ^ludaai. — Procopius, u. s., p. 106. And in
Justin's reign the Turks seem to have taken the place of the Per
sians, ol TovpKOi tots to re ^rjpuu ffitropia Kai tovs \ifx€vas KoretX""
Tavra Se irpiv fxiv Utpaat. Kareixo"* —Excerpt. Theophani. Hist. Ex-
cerpta de Legationibus, p. 484.
^ Elesboas having received and entertained Justinian's Embassy,
240 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
its first mention refer to its departure from Auxume, its
second to its arrival in Constantinople ? Or is it to be
referred to some one of the Pseudo-Indian kingdoms ?
Or though unrecorded by any other writer, is it really
Hindu ? Who shall tell ? With regard to the second
Embassy : it is noticed by both Theophanes and Ced-
renus/^ but noticed seemingly not because it was any
strange sight in Constantinople, but because its elephant,
a native of Africa as of India, broke loose and did much
mischief. However this may be, a Hindu Embassy in
Constantinople was no improbable event, for after Eles-
boas had at the instance of Justinian ineffectually
attempted to open up the trade with India, would he
not naturally bring over and forward to the Koman
Kareir6/ut|/6 Kai ffaxpai 8ia Ivdov Trpecr$impov KaiSuspa rtp jSaatAei Pooixaiuv.
Malalas, p. 458, and afterwards, p. 477, incidentally mentions the
Embassy we have been examining : eu avrcp Se ry XP<"'¥ '^°" irpca-
j8i/TTjs IvSoov /xiTa SapoDv Kar^ir€fx(pOr] ev KwvaTuvTiuovnokei, /cat avTcp 7Cp
XP<^vV IwavfTjs 6 KaiTTTaSol €yiV€To tirapx^s vpaiTupiwv.
89 The chronology of these times is loose and uncertain. Ac-
cording to Theophanes (Chron. 1, 346-7)^ the Christianisation of
Auxume, represented by its kings (they had probably gone back
to their old heathen faith), and the events which led to it, occurred
A.J). 535, and the Embassy with the elephant, a.d. 543. Cedrenus
refers it to a.d. 550. Taking then the dates assigned by Malalas,
A.D. 530 for our first, a.d. 552 for the second. Embassy, it is
clear that the first Embassy follows too closely on the alliance and
engagements of Elesboas, while between these and the second
there is too great an interval, to admit of the reasons I have ad-
duced for either one of these Embassies being Hindu. Of
Theophanes' dates (he lived early part of ninth century) I scarcely
like to speak — the first is so manifestly wrong. Bub if we take
a.d. 542 for the date of the Elephant Embassy, and a.d. 533,
Gibbon's, for that of Justinian's to Auxume, then these reasons
would be pertinent enough.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 241
court some native Indians, ambassadors or others, as the
surest evidence he could give of his good faith and zeal
in carrying out his part of the treaty ? One of these
embassies may be Indian, but it is no proof of any
direct intercourse with India. Indeed the whole narra-
tive rather intimates that Eoman enterprise extended no
further than Auxume, and that all trade beyond was in
the hands of some other people.
V. The introduction of the silk-worm into the Eoman
Empire. According to Procopius^^ it happened in this
wise. Aware of the interest Justinian took in the silk
trade, some monks from India who had lived long in
Serinda (Theophanes^^ says it was a Persian), brought
over in a reed.(ez^ vapOrj/ci) silk- worm's eggs, taught the
Eomans how to treat them, and by acclimatizing the
worm to make themselves in the article of silk inde-
pendent of the Persians and other people. I incline to
think that the monks were Persians ; for India was
under the Persian metropolitan, and its churches as we
learn from Cosmas were served by priests from Persia ;
and a Persian Christian would be more Christian than
Persian, and more likely to benefit his co-religionists
than his countrymen. But let the monks be Eomans,
^ 'Tiro TovTov rov xpovop Tives fxovaxov €^ Ii-Sa;!' t]kovt€^ yvovres T€
cos lovarii'iapcp 5ia anou5r)S fir} ixrjKeTi irpos Hepauv tt]V fxtra^av wpetadai
Vuixaiovs, etc. — De Bel. Goth., p. 546.
91 ^yjf, ,j-c^„ aKwArjKcov yepecriv avrjp n€p(nis...ev Bt'^avncfi vireSei^tP'
ovTos (K '2,rfpwv...ro airfpfxa roou aKwXrjHcov ev vap6r}Ki Xa^uv juex^t Bufai'-
Tiou SierxftxraTo, etc. — Excerpta Theoph. Hist., p. 484, lived close of
the sixth century. The seed was brought overland, as the
French, to avoid the tropical heats, are now sending it. — Times,
May 12, 1863.
li
242 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
and Eomans we know did occasionally visit and sojourn
in India, and their introduction of the silk- worm is no
evidence of any ocean trade with India.
VI. A passage in Procopius which intimates that
Koman ships frequented the seas in which were found
the loadstone rocks. This passage I will quote at length
and examine. After having described the Arabian Gulf
from OEla, and told of its islands and the Saracens and
Homerites on its Eastern coast, and alluded to the many
other peoples living inland up to the very borders of the
cannibal Saracens, beyond whom he places the Indians,
" but of the Indians leaves others to speak at their dis-
cretion,"^^ Procopius returns to Boulika of the Homerites,
and notices the calm sea and easy transit thence to
Adule. He then proceeds to treat of Ethiopia, but first
touches on the peculiarly constructed boats used by the
Indians, €v JvBoi,<;, and on this sea. " They are not," he
observes, " painted over with tar or anything else,
nor are their planks made fast to one another by iron
nails but with knotted ropes, ^po'xpL^, and tliis not as
is generally supposed, because there are in these seas
rocks which attract imn( for the Roman sliifs from CEla,
though iron-fastened, suffer nothing of the sort), but
because the Indians and Ethiopians neither have any
iron nor are able to buy any from the Eomans, who are
forbidden to sell it them on pain of death. Such is the
^2 ol Se 'O/xrjpiTai ovroi €v x^P^ '''V €ir€K€tva WKUvrai irpos tt? ttjs
OaXaaaris rfovi, virep re avrovs aWa eOvrj iroWa, /xexP* ^s rovi avQpuirotpa-
yovs ^apaKTjvovs, iSpvaOai <paai' jue0' ovs 5e 70 yevr} twv Iv^wv earip. aWa
rovTwv fiev Trept Myerft} kKaaros us irr) awry fiov\ofxiucf eariv. — De Bello
Pers., p. 100.
CLAUDJUS TO JUSTINIAN. 243
state of things about the so-called Eed Sea and the
coasts on each side of it."^^ On this passage I will
observe —
1st. That as long as it treats of the shores of the
Arabian Gulf, where the Komans traded, its language is
clear and definite enough, but as vague when it comes
to speak of the inland peoples, of whom very evidently
Procopius had been able to obtain very imperfect infor-
mation.
2ndly. That the Indoi with whom the Ethiopians
and the Persians seem to have had commercial dealings
must have been the inhabitants of a country without
iron, and not therefore of India celebrated of old time^^
for its steel, but very possibly of Arabia,^^ into which
in the age of the Periplus iron and sometimes from
India was regularly imported, and the boats of which^^
quite answered to the description of Procopius.
^ ra ixev ovv aix<pi rri epvOpq, OaKaffaij Kai X"P<? V awTTjs €^' eKarepa (an
ravrp irri fX^t. — lb., p. 102.
9* Ctesias, p. 80, 4.
9^ Of Arabia or Arabians settled in Ethiopia. Elsewhere Pro-
copius speaks of Ethiopia as India : Net\os /x6«/...e| Ipduv ctt' Ai7U7rTou
iptpofjLevos , etc. De ^dificiis, vi, I, p. 331, III.
9^ " Les vaisseaux Arabes n'approchaient pas pour la force des
vaisseaux Chinois (Ibn Batutah mans each junk with 1,000 men,
600 sailors and 400 soldiers, iv, 91, French tr.)...construits en
general en bois et sans melange de fer, ils tiraient tres peu d'eau
...Les Arabes employaient...dans leurs constructions navales des
planches de cocotiers, et ces planches etaient liees entre elles avec
des chevilles de bois." And Rel. Arabes, Dis. Prel., p. 56, " II n'y
a que les navires de Siraf dont les pieces sont cousues ensembles,"
ih., I, p. 91 ; but Ibn Batutah : " C'est avec des cordes de ce genre
que sont cousues les navires de VInde et du Yaman," and he ad-
duces as a reason why iron is not used, the rocky bottom of the
Indian sea against which iron-bound vessels break to pieces,
iv, 121.
244 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
Srdly. That the last paragraph indicates that Proco-
pius confines his observations to that part of the Eed
Sea which is inclosed by coasts on either side, the
Arabian Gulf, and that consequently the loadstone rocks
referred to are not those on the Sinhalese coast, but
loadstone rocks in or near the Arabian Gulf.
VII. We have Chinese authority that a great trade
between Eome and India existed in the sixth century of
our era. Ma-touan-lin, born a.d. 1317, in his Eesearches
into Antiquity, briefly afl&rms that " India (a.d. 500-16)
carries on a considerable commerce by sea with Ta-Tsin,
the Eoman Empire, and the Ansi or Asse, the Syrians "f
and the Kou-kin-tou-chou (Ancient and Modern Times),
having alluded to the commerce of India with the West,
states that the Eoman trade witli India is principally by
sea, and that by sea the Eomans carry off the valuable
products of India, as coral, amber, gold, sapphires,
mother of pearl, pearls and other inferior stones, odori-
ferous plants, and compounds by concoction and distil-
lation of odoriferous plants, and then adds that from
these compounds they extract the finest qualities for
cosmetics, and afterwards sell the residue to the mer-
chants of other countries.^^ We observe —
^ Vide Chinese account of India, from Ma-touan-lin, tr. by
Pauthier, Asiatic Journal, May to August, 1836, pp. 213-7. For
the date of Ma-touan-lin's birth, v. his Life, Eemusat, Nouv.
Melanges Asiat., II, 168, where Eemusat compares Ma-touan-lin's
great work to the Mem. de TAcadem. des Inscriptions, and observes
that De Guignes in his Hist, des Huns, and the Jesuit missionaries
in their several works, owe to it much of their knowledge of China
and Chinese literature.
^s Also tr. by Pauthier, Journal Asiatique, Oct. and Nov., 1839,
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 245
1st. That silk is not included in the list of Indian
merchandise (the etBr) of Epiphanius) sent to the Koman
Empire by sea.
2ndly. That this trade by sea necessarily presumes
that the goods exported from India were known to
be so exported either on Eoman account or for the
Roman market, but not that they were exported in
Eoman ships. We have seen that Eoman merchants
sometimes visited India, that in India Eoman money
was current, and the Eoman Empire known and re-
spected, and we may fairly suppose that that Empire,
its trade and its wants and their supply, were often
subject of talk in the Indian^^ ports, and would certainly
pp. 278, 380-93. This account seemingly refers to India in the
early part of the sixth century {ih., p. 274); but it then goes back
to speak of the relations which had before existed between Eome
and China ; how that ( a.d. 166) Antun, Antoninus, sent an embassy
through Tonquin with presents, and how the Romans in the in-
terest of their commerce travelled as far as Pegu, Cochin China,
and Tonquin; and how a Roman merchant, one Lun (a.d. 222-
278), came to Tonquin, and was sent on by its Governor to the
Emperor. As Lun and his doings close this short summary of
Roman relations with China, I conclude that he was one of the
merchants mentioned above, and that they, like him, belong to
the period ending a.d. 278, when Roman commerce with the East
most flourished, — and as, with one unimportant exception, no fur-
ther notice is taken of the Roman Empire, I presume that after
this time its commerce with these distant regions entirely ceased.
^ When in Bochara (a.d. 1250), Marco Polo meets the ambas-
sadors of Kublai Khan, they press him to visit their master : " eo
quod nullum laiinum usquam viderat, quamvis videre multum
affectabat," c. II. And Maffei (Hist. Ind., L, iv) observes of the
Byzantine Turks that in the fifteenth century the Indian kings
called them " corrupta GroBca voce Rumos quasi Romanes." But
while this indicates that the memory of Rome survived among the
246 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FROM
become known to the Chinese traders there, and would
as certainly be spoken of by them on their return home,
and would thus find their way into the works of Chinese
geographers and historians.
But in order that we may not reason on to a foregone
conclusion, hurrying over or explaining away the events
and authorities which make against us, we will for a
moment suppose that they sufficiently establish the fact
of an ocean trade between Eome and India — and then
as from the age of the Ptolemies, ending B.C. 46, to
that of Firmus, a.d. 273, we know through Strabo,
Pliny, the Periplus, Ptolemy, and Yopiscus, that Alex-
andrian ships sailed for India ; we have to show w^hy it
is that after that time, though we read of Eomans,
lawyers, priests, and merchants, who travelled thither
and all seemingly through Adule and one of them
certainly in an Adulitan craft, we read of none who
went in a Eoman ship. How too is it, we will be asked, if
Eoman ships thus crossed the Indian Ocean, that neither
they nor their crews are seen among the vessels and
peoples which according to Cosmas crowd the port and
thoroughfares of the great Sinhalese mart ? How, that
the Christians of Socotora, an island of Greek colonists,^
and right in the course of Alexandrian ships en route
for India, were subject not to the Greek but to the
Hindus, it is no evidence of any commerce between the peoples, no
more evidence than is the mention of an Indian princess in the
romance of (Peredur ?) of a knowledge of India among the Cam-
brian bards.
1 Speaking of the inhabitants, the Periplus : exo-i Se ivtlivoi nai
etrifjLiKrot Apafiasv /cat en 'EWtjvcov tcov npos epyaaiav eKirKtovToov. — P.
281, § 30.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 247
Persian metropolitan ?2 And when Justinian, as Pro-
copiiis relates, sought to re-establish the silk trade and
to Avrest it from the hands of the Persians, how is it
that he applied, not to his own merchants of Alexandria
whose services he might have commanded, and whom
had they had ships in those seas he would have wished
to encourage, but to the Ethiopian Arabs, whom to the
detriment of his own subjects he tempted with the
hopes of a monopoly ? Again, on this supposition, how
account for it, that the loadstone rocks, those myths of
Koman geography, which in Ptolemy's time, the flourish-
ing days of Ptoman commerce, lay some degrees east-
ward of Ceylon, appear a.d. 400 barring its western
approach, and a.d. 560 have advanced up to the very
mouth of the Arabian Gulf ?^ Surely an ocean trade
with India is, all things considered, all but impossible.
But to return to the loadstone rocks. As in an age
little observant of the laws and phenomena of nature,
lands unknown save by report and unexplored are ever
according to their surroundings invested either with
mythic terrors or mythic beauties ; and conversely, as
all lands in the conception of which the mythic pre-
dominates are lands which lie outside the knowledge, and
2 That the Christian population of Persia was large we may-
gather from the reasons which Stebocthes, the Persian ambassador,
urges upon Justin to dissuade him from breaking the truce with
Chosroes. Excepta e Legatis, e Menandri Hist., p. 315, Bonn ed.,
Byzant. Hist., and that it was loyal to its sovereign its conduct at
the siege of Chlomaron indicates, ib., p. 331.
3 See supra, p. 242, and the Pseudo-Callisthenes, III, vii, p. 103,
Didot, and Procopius, sup., p. 38. For Ptolemy's Maniolai Geog.
Lib. vii, c. II.
248 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FEOM
consequently without the sphere of intercourse, of the
people who so conceive of them ; it follows that these
rocks at the very least indicate the extreme limits of
Eoman enterprise, and the several changes in their posi-
tion, changes ever bringing them nearer to the Eoman
Empire, the ever narrowing range of Eoman enterprise
in their direction. Their changes of position therefore
confirm our view of the Eoman maritime trade.
But though there is no evidence to show that at this
period Eoman ships navigated the Indian seas, we know
that Indian goods still found their way to Constanti-
nople, and from both Greek and Arab writers that Arab
vessels were employed in the Indian trade. So early as
the age of the Ptolemies, Agatharchides* (b.c. 146)
notices a trade between Aden and the Indus, and
carried on in native boats, efjuuopiKa^ tcov Trpocr^copLuyv
o-xeBca^. The Periplus (a.d. 80-90) speaks (§ 26) of
Arabia Eudsemon, Aden, as the great entrepot of Indian
commerce in the olden time, before Alexandrian ships
ventured across the ocean ; and describes Muza, Mokha,
as a busy sea-port full of sea-faring men, shipmasters,
and sailors, and as trading with Barygaza in its own
craft.^ And lastly, Cosmas (a.d. 535), among the mer-
chant ships to be seen at Ceylon, mentions those of
Adule and the Homerites. Arab writers also allude to
this branch of Arabian enterprise. Thus Haji Khalfa,^
4 De Mari Erythrseo, c. 103, p. 191, II, Geog. Grseci Min., ed.
Miiller.
^ TO ixeu 6\ov Apa^wv vavKXrjpiKoov avOpooircau kui vavriKcov vheova^ei
Kai Tots ott' ifiiropias irpayfiaa-i Kiveirai' avyxpt^t'Tai yap rji rov nepav
fpyaaia. Kai Bapvya^oof idiois i^apriaixois. — § 21, p. 274, I, ih.
6 " Ad qualemcq. liistorise Arabum et Persarum, inquit Hemdani,
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 249
in his sketch of the ante-Islamic times, tells of the old
Arabs : how they travelled over the world as merchants
and brought home with them a large knowledge of the
peoples they had visited : and how to the Islanders of
Bahrain and to the inhabitants of Omman his age owed
its histories of Sinds, Hindus, and Persians. And thus
though Masoudi^ implies that in the early part of the
seventh century the Indian and Chinese trade with
Babylon was principally in the hands of the Indians
and Chinese, yet have we every reason to believe from
the Eelations des Voyages Arabes, of the ninth century,
that it was shared in by the Arabs whose entrepot was
Khanfou.^
notitiam sibi parandam nemo, nisi per Arabes pervenire potest...
Peragrabant enim terras mercatus causa, ita ut cognitioneiu
populorum sibi compararent. Pari modo, qui Hiram incolebant,
Persarumque historiam, Homeritarumq. bella et eorum
per terras expeditiones cognoscebant. Alii qui in Syria versa-
bantur, res Roman. Israel, et Grrsec. tradiderunt. Ab iis qui in
insulis Bahrain et terram Oinman consederant historiam Sindorum,
Hindorum et Persarum accepimus. Qui denique in Yemana
habitabant cognitionem horum popul. omnium consecuti sunt,
utpote regum erronum (Sayya'ret) umbra tecti." Haji Khalfa,
tr. Fliigel, I, 76, Or. Tr. Fund.
' "The Euphrates fell at that time (the time of Omar, died
A.^. 644) into the Abyssinian Sea, at a place... now called en-Najaf ;
for the sea comes up to this place, and thither resorted the ships
of China and India, destined for the kings of El-Hirah," p. 246,
Sprenger's tr., and I, pp. 215-6, French tr. But Reinaud, who by
the way has no great confidence in Sprenger's accuracy, refers
these observations to the fifth century. See sujpra, p. 162, Emb.
from Claudius to Justinian.
8 Relations Arabes, p. 12, which gives an interesting account of
the dangers and mishaps to which the merchant was liable, and
which, p. 68, shows the commerce with China falling away, and
250 INDIAN EMBASSIES, FEOM
But what in the meanwhile had become of the over-
land trade with India ? When in the second half of
the third century, and after nearly three hundred years
of Parthian rule, the Sassanidae. reasserted the Persian
supremacy over the peoples of Central Asia, taught by
the misfortunes and fall of their predecessors which
they might not unfairly trace to a partiality for western
civilisation,^ they eschewed Greek and Eoman manners,
literature and philosophy. They besides restored and
reformed the national faith, the religion of Ormuzd.
They cherished old national traditions. They boasted
themselves lineal descendants of the old Persian kings,^^
and stood forward as the champions of the national
greatness. Their first communication with Eome was a
threatening demand for all those countries which, long
incorporated with the Eoman Empire, had in old time
been subject to the Persian dominion.^^ For a moment
it seemed as though by force of arms they would have
made good their claim, but their barbaric pride proved
their overthrow ; and after they had spurned his friend-
ship,^2 ii^Qj ^^Qj.Q compelled to abate their pretensions in
why. In Ibn Batutah's time, in so far as the Chinese seas were
concerned, " On n'y voyage qu'avec des vaisseaux Chinois," iv, 91 ;
but of these the sailors were often Arabs — thus the intendant of
the junk in which Ibn sailed was Suleiman Assafady, id., 94; and
one of the men was from Hormuz, 96 ; and I think the marines
were from Abyssinia.
9 V. Tacitus, Annal., L. II, c. 2.
10 Eeinaud, sur la Mes&ne, pp. 13-14, tirage h. part.
11 Apra^ep^ns yap rns Uepcrifis rovs re UapBovs . . .viKTi<ra^ . . .arparevnari
re 'iro\K(f...rri Supjqt e<pe^pevcras, Kai aneiXcov avaKrrjaeffdai iravra cos Kai
TrpoorjKopra ol 6*c irpoyovoov, baa irore ol waA.at Ylepaai jxexpi TVS 'EAAtj-
viKTfjs 6a\aaarjs eaxov, etc. — Dio Cassius : Kai ai(pi\ivov, 80, c. 3.
1^ Sapor, who followed out the policy of his father, and forbade
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 251
the presence of the victorious Odenatus, and subse-
quently to buy a peace of Diocletian by a cession of
Mesopotamia and the eastern borders of the Tigris.
Thus stayed in their career of conquest and even de-
spoiled of their fairest provinces, they directed their
attention to the consolidation of their power and the
development of the resources of their kingdom. They
anticipated and enforced that cruel policy which in
later years was advocated by and has since borne the
name of Macliiavelli. Under one pretext and another,
and sometimes by force of arms, they got within their
hands and pitilessly ordered to death the petty kings
who owned indeed their supremacy, but whose sway
was really despotic and allegiance merely nominal.^^ To
the hitherto divided members of their Empire they
gave unity of will and purpose. They made it one
State, of which they were the presiding and ruling mind.
To educate and enlarge the views of their subjects, they
did not, like their predecessors, study Greek and speak
Greek, but they collected and translated the master-
pieces of Hindu literature and Greek philosophy,^* and
the use of the Greek letters in Armenia, and promised to make
Merugan its king if he would bring it to the worship of Ormuzd
(Moses Khorene, II, pp. 83-4, tr.), ordered his servants to throw
into the river the rich gifts, niyaAoirpfirr] So pa, of Odenatus, and
tore up his supplicatory letters, ypaixixara Seriafos Bvvafxiv exovro,
and trod them under foot, and asked, " Who and what he was who
dared thus to address his lord ? Let him come and with bound
hands prostrate himself before me unless he is prepared to die,
and all his race with him." Petri Patricii Hist., p. 134, Byzant.
Hist.
18 V. Beinaud, u. s., pp. 46-7.
^* E. g. of Hindu literature, the Pancha Tantra. — Assemann,
252 IXDIAX EMBASSIES, FROM
thus nationalized them. They encouraged commerce.
So early as the fourth century of our era, they entered
into commercial relations with China, whicli they culti-
vated in the early part of the sixth l3y frequent em-
bassies.^^ We hear too of their ambassadors in Ceylon,
and with Ceylon and the East they carried on a large
ocean traffic, as the many flourishing emporia in the
Persian Gulf sufficiently indicate, and as Cosmas dis-
tinctly affirms. The old overland route to India also,
comparatively neglected in the great days of Palmyra
and during the troubled reigns of the last Parthian
kings, regained under their fostering care its old im-
portance, and became the gTeat high-road over which
silk was brought to Europe. And such was the justice
of their rule,^^ and such the protection and facilities
they afforded the merchant, that silk worth in Aurelian's
time its weight in gold, and a luxury of the rich and
noble, was in the reign of Julian sold at a price which
brought it within every man's reach.^'^ By their treaties
Bib. Orient., Ill, 222. Plato and Aristotle, of Greek philosophers
etc., — as we may gather from Agathias, II, c. 28, p. 126.
1' " On a eu des rapports avec la Perse au temps de la seconde
dynastie des Wei" (a la fin du quatrieme siecle). Eemusat, N. Eel.
As., I, 248. " Ce royaume, a.d. 518-19, payait un tribut consistant
en marchandises du pays," p. 251, ih. " Le Eoi, a.d. 555, fit oflfrir
de nouveaux presents," p. 252.
16 Agathias, L. II, c. 30, p. 131, though he speaks of the high
opinion he held of the Persian rule to refute it.
17 Of Aurelian's time, Vopiscus : "libra enim auri tunc libra
serica fuit." Hist. Aug., II, 187. Ammianus Marcellinus observes
of the Seres: "conficiunt sericum, ad usus ante hac nobilium,
nunc etiam infimorum sine uUa discretione proficieas." Hist.,
xxiii, 6.
CLAUDIUS TO JUSTINIAN. 253
"with Jovian (a.d. 363) and with the second Theodosiiis,
they not only recovered the provinces they had lost, but
acquired also, with a not unimportant cantle of the
Eoman territory, a portion of the much coveted kingdom
of Armenia.^^ The overland route was now wholly in
their hands, the Persian Gulf also was theirs, and when
towards the close of Justinian's reign Khosroes Nushir-
wan^^ overran Arabia, and gave a king to the Homerites,
they may be said to have held the Eed Sea and the
keys of all the roads from India to the West.
13 The hundred years truce between Theodosius and Bahram
concluded A.D. 422. Gibbon, iv, p. 310. The final incorporation
of Armenia as Pers-Armenia with the Persian Empire took place
at the commencement of the fourth century, ih., 212.
19 V. d'Herbelot, Bib. Orientale, s. v., but Theophanes (Hist.,
p. 485) seems to place this event in the reign of Justin. Excerp.
Hist., p. 485. Corpus Byz. Hist.
INDEX.
Abdera, 24
Abgari, 19
Abraham, 161
Achilleus, 232
Adad, Andas, Aidog, 238
Aden, 84, 248
Adule, 161, 196, 216, 232, 233, 246
.^desius, 179
^lian, 6, 10, 11, 17, 29, 61, 97,
98, 136, 159
^sculapius, 39, 51
Agatharchides, 188, 232, 248
Agathias, 252
Alankava, 176
Albyrouuy, 15, 216
Alexander, 3, 7, 8, 11, 13, 15, 22,
23, 25, 86, 104, 150, 201
Alex. Polyhistor, 49, 132, 134,
135
Alexandria, 82, 83, 132, 159, 165,
230
Ammianus Marcellinus, 42, 104,
125, 126, 127, 164, 178, 181,
183, 220, 230, 231, 252
Ananta, 190
Anapidu, 140
Anarajapura, 93
Annius Plocamus, 91, 114
Anthony, 67, 70, 83, 231
Antioch, 2
Antiquarian Eepository, 164
Antonines, 127, 129, 132
Antoninus Pius, 125, 129,138, 153
Antun, Marcus Antoninus, 120,
153, 243
Anula, 115, 122
Aomus, 9
Apollo, 8, 34
Apollonius Tyanensis, 1 to 02
Apologns, 163
Appian, 83, 231
Archelaus, 171 et seq.
Ardhavan, 195
Ardjake, 159
Aristobalus, 13, 143
Aristotle, 49
Aroushi, 8
Arrian, 1, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 13,
15, 47, 76, 81, 84, 96, 106, l!i7,
121, 128, 133
Aranoda, the Eed Sea, 4
Asiatic Society's Transactions,
150
Asoka, 13, 36, 110
Asseman, 153, 177, 178, 179, 228,
237, 238, 239
Athanasius, 150, 233
Athens, 15
Attila, 41
Augustse ScriDtores Historise,
127, 129, 154, 155, 163, 164, 166
Augustus, 60, 65, 67, 72, 8(5, 150,
162
Aurelian, 129, 163, 165, 167, 232,
252
Aurelianus Victor, 125, 154
Auxume, 180, 187, 196, 240
Avienus, 192
Avitus, 192, 193
Bab-el-mandeb, 161, 216
Babylon, 2, 3, 15, 24, 173
Bacchus, 7, 8, 23, 33, 36, 60, 205
Bactria, 134, 224
INDEX.
255
Balara, 55
Balkh, 28
Barake, 161
Bardanes, 3, 11, 24
Bardesanes, 19, 20, 24, 32, 36, 38,
59, 134, 137, 148, 151, 153, 199
Baronius, 185
Barygaza, 81, 162
Batne, 178
Bayer, 61
Berenice, 160
Bernhardyus, 227
Bleminyis, 166, 1(37, 205
Bochart, 30, 99
V. Bohlen, 5, 8, 9, 49
Boutta V. Buddha
Brahmins, 2, 22, 32, 39, 138, 144,
191, 199
Bruchium, 165, 165
Buchanan, 127
Buddha, 81, 132, 133, 134, 150,
173, 174, 175, 177, 189, 229
Bunsen, 137
Burmah, 129
Burnell, 109
Burnes, 4, 5, 7, 12, 22, 28. 34, 36,
46
Burnouf, 105, 107, 108, 140, 148,
150, 200
Burton, 218
Byzantium, 161
Cabool, 5
Calanus, 36, 72, 143, 149
Callisthenes, Pseudo, 23, 196, 228,
247
CaUistratus, 137
Cane, 84, 161
Caracalla, 132, 154, 163, 165
Carmani, Sarmanoi (?), 190
Casaubon, 71
Cashmere, 151
Castlereagh, 73
Caucasus, 4, 5, 8, 57
Cedrenus, 1, 153, 171, 182, 227,
240
Ceylon, 91, 104, 216, 219, 221,
225 .
Chandragupta, 110, 148
Chandra Muka Siwa, 99
Chares, 7
Charra, 171
China, 130
Chinese, 129, 130, 219
Cissia, 8
Cicero, 57
Caudius, 85, 91, 99, 114, 125, 126
Clemens Alexandrinus, 132, 133,
134, 135, 136, 175, 230
Clitarchus, f)0, 209
Cochin China, 129
Colebrooke, 157
Constantine, 180, 183, 184, 234
Constantius, 126, 178, 181, 182,
183
Coptos, 160
Cook, 1
Cophen, 5, 6
Cornwallis, 5
Cos, 131
Cosmas, 91, 92, 104. 126, 214,
230, 233, 239, 246, 248
Ctesias, 11, 12, 26, 33, 34, 51, 52,
58, 137, 157, 189,195,243
Cumarilla, 150
Cureton, 153, 154
Cyril, 134, 135, 171, 172, 173, 174
D'Alwis, 105, 109
D'Anville, 80
Damascius, 189, 237
Damis, 162 passim
Dandamis, 137, 201
Darius, 3
Davy, Dr., 121
Day, 127, 232
Deriades & Duryodhana, 204, etc.
Dewanamapatisso, 36
Dhatusera, 111
Dimnos, Damianus, Dunaan, 238
Dion Cassius, 68, 69, 71, 73, 74,
75,85, 125, 127, 165,250
Dion Chrysostom, 36, 61, 62, 126,
127, 128, 134, 156, 189
Diocletian, 232, 251
Diodorus Siculus, 61, 134, 138,
143
I Dionysius, 9, 207, 208
256
INDEX.
Dionysius Periegetes, 128, 192,
200, 201, 204
Divi, 126, lb8
Domitian, 54
Domninos, 1, 2
Dracontius, 192, 193
Draupati, 213
Dubois, 208
Dutugamini, 92, 122
Eden, 193
Elagabalus, 128, 129, 137, 153,
155
Elaro, 122
Elesboas, 217, 226, 238, 239, 240
Ellis, 98
Elphinstone, 5, 6, 13, 15, 24, 28,
36
Emesa, 137
Epbrein Syrus, 177
Epiphanius, 153, 155, 171, 172,
173, 176, 233, 235, 245
Ersch and Gruber, Encyc, 127
Eratosthenes, 12, 57, 95, 97, 111
Eretrians, 2, 3
Ethiopia, 225
Eudoxus, 193
Euphrates, 82, 162
Eusebius, 38, 70, 129, 153, 166,
180, 230
Eustathius, 9, 200, 205, 210, 227
Eutropius, 154
Ezekiel, 100, 101
Fa-hian, 91, 93, 96, 197, 202, 222
Fauche v. Mahabharata
Firmus, 166, 167, 240
Flugel, 82
Florus, 68, 72
Forbes, 6, 78, 81
Foucaux, 175, 190
Frumentius, 179. etc.
Gallienus, 163
Ganga, 158
Ganges, 28, 40, 158
Gar u da, 4
Georgius Syncellus, 70
Germanai v. Sramans
Gesenius, 82
Gibbon, 82, 237, 253
Gildemeister, 53, 174, 212, 218
Goldstucker, 108, 110, 152
Gollas, King of White Huns, 222
Gronovius, 120
Guignes, de, 244
Hadrian, 127, 163, 165
Haji KUalfa, 249
Hakluyt, 229
Hamilton, 93, 112
Hardy, 36, 138, 140, 141, 147,
148
Harivansa, 175, 213
Hastings, Warren, 156
Hawkesworth, 1
Heeren, 65, 82, 225
Herbelot, 176
Helesthseus v. Elesboas
Hercules, 23, 33, 36, 132
Herodotus, 2, 4, 13, 65, 96, 207
Hierocles, 38, 193, 195
Hieronymus v. St. Jerome
Hilgenfeld, 19, 155
Himalaya, 150
Hindu-kush, 4, 57
Hiouen-Thsang, 13, 17, 18, 57,
66, 81, 91, 93, 96, 221
Hippalus, 99, 107
Hippuros, 91, 99, 102
Hodgson, 175
Holland, Sir H., 6
Holland, Philemon, 164
Homer, 42, 44, 81
Homerites, Hamyarites, 189
Horace, 67, 72
Houan-ti, 130
Hydraotis, 25, 26
Hyphasis, 25, 28, 54
Iarchas, 25, 54
Ibn Batuta, 12, 16, 47, 50, 94,
219, 223, 243, 250
Ichthyophagi, 55
India, 2, passim
Indians, Arabs, 236
Indicopleustes v. Cosmas
Indus, 11, 212
I
INDEX.
257
Isidorus, 189
Isidorus Characeni, 76
Jacob, Sir G. le G., 121
Jains, the, 144
Jambulus, 60
James, St., of Sarug, 178, 179
Jerome, St., 69, 71, 72, 134, 175
Jerusalem, 173
John of Cappadocia, 1 26
Joinville, 96
Jomandes, 41
Jove, 8, 11
Journal Asiatique, 226
Juba, 10, 11
Julia Domna, 56, 128, 136
JuUan, 125, 176, 179, 181, 234
Julien, 78, 94
Juliopolis, 160
Julius Africanus, 19
Julius Pollux, 131
Justinian, 125, 126, 234, 239,
247
Kadphises, 74, 77
Kalliena, 81
Kanischka, 67
Karnapava, 6
Klaproth, 175, 176
Knox, 96, 98, 105
Kolan Natannawana, Upham's,
121
Krishna, 8
Kublai Khan, 4, 65, 245
Lane, 28
Langlois, v. Harivansa
Lanka v. Ceylon
Lao-Tseu, 176
Lassen, 7, 15, 74, 77, 92, 98, 102,
103, 104, 107, 109, 110, 112, 135,
138, 157, 177, 207
Lausius, 195
Lenormant, 102
Lepidus, 70
Libanius, 178
Lucan, 29
Lun, 130, 245
Lycophron, 9
Lycotas, 67
Maffei, 84, 229, 234, 245
Mahabharata, 8, 52, 148, 191, 195,
200, 204, 212
Mahawanso v. Turnour, 113, 114,
116, 118, 122, 175, 201
Mains, 70, 72
Mailla, 176
Makrobioi, 200
Malalas, 1, 126, 237, 238, 239, 240
Malet, 6
Manava Dharma, 139
Manes, 17 J, 177, 238
Maniolai, 197
Manou, 8
Marcellinus v. Ammianus
Marcellus de, 207
Marcianus, 104, 201
Marco Polo, 4, 33, 44, 65, 93, 95,
222, 224, 229, 245
Mandura, 52
Marcus Aurelius, 130, 153, 154
Martial, 73
Masoudi, 5, 49, 58, 162, 197, 200,
216, 224, 249
Matouanlin, 96, 244
Maurice, 175
Mela Pomponius, 99, 110, 120,
141, 167
Melania, 186
Mendez Pinto, 58
Megasthenes, 8, 20, 32, 47, 49,
52, 60, 94, 109, 110, 112, 138,
137, 138, 143, 147, 148
Merx, 155
Menu, 7, 16, 17, 23, 31, 37, 38,
138, 139, 141, 144, 145, 146, 147,
202
Meropius, 179 et seq^
Meros, 8
Meru, 7, 8, 52
Messalina, 99
Metrodorus, 179, 182
Miiller, 107, 135
Minerva, 34
Minos, 43
Montfaucon, 104
Moor, 31, 158, 189, 195
S
258
INDEX.
Moorcroffc, 53
Morrheus, 210, 212, 213
Morrison, 95
Moses Khorene, 251
Musaeus, or Moses Episcopus, 1 95
Muziris, 161, 16:^, 197
Napier, Sir C, 5, 12, 14, 36
Narses, 337
Neander, 185
Nearchus, 18, 29, 56, 143
Nelson, 109, 120, 136
Nelcyndon, 161, 163
Nero, 85
Nicolaus Damascenus, 60,65. 73,
78,81
Nile, 12
Nineveli, 2, 13
Nonnos, the Dionysiacs, 203 et seg.
Nonnosus, 196, 239
Nysa, Mount, 7, 8, 57
OCELIS, 161
Odenatus, 162, 281
Olearius, 17, 22, 34, 54
Olympiodorus, 226
Onesicritus, 5, 11, 12, 29, 36, 47,
58, 95, 112, 141, 189
Ophir, 100
Origen, 135, 155
Orontes, 204
Orosius, 70, 71, 72
Oswif, 33
Owen, Professor, 31
Oxydi-acse, 22, 23
Pagala, 55
Palseogonoi, 109
Palibothra, 60
Palissemundus, 93, 104, 105, 107
Palladiiis, 186, 195, 228, 233
Palamedes, 41
Palmyra, 82, 127, 132, 159, 162,
230
Pan, 133
Pandya, Pandion, 68, 72, 78, 80,
115
Panjab, 6
PoHno, 65
Papasudana, 152
Paraka, 58
Paravant, 81
Patala, 54
Patricius, 228
Pausanias, 129, 131, 294
Pauthier, 75, 129, 244
Pentaour, 204
Periplus, The, v. Arrian, and 127,
161, 162, 232, 248
Peshawar, 4
Petrus Patricius, 251
Petrus Siculus, 174
Philalethes, Ceylon, 98
Philosophi Desc. Orbis, 190
Philostorgius, 188
Philostratus, 1 to 62 passim, 136,
160, 194
Photius, 153, 174,189
Phraotes, 14, 17, 21, 25, 38, 44,
54
Pliny, 11, 12, 36, 50, 73, 76, 82,
91, 99, 106. 107, 110, 116, 119,
120, 131, 160, 161, 162, 190, 194,
212 231
Plutarch, 34, 60, 61, 72, 128, 130
Plutarch, Pseudo, 210
Polo V. Marco
Polygnotus, 14
Porphyry, 10, 32, 34, 36, 54, 134,
153
Porus, 13, 14, 15, 25, 65, 66, 72,
78
Poseidippus, 29, 30, 59
Pritchard, 121
Prabodhatschandradaja, 133,143,
147
Pramat'has, 4
Probus, 167, 171
Procopius, 161, 164, 178, 179, 222,
223, 233, 238, 239, 241, 242,
243, 247
Prometheus, 4
Propertius, 67
Proteus, 42
Ptolemies, The, 246, 248
Ptolemy, 98, 102, 104, 105, 107,
128, 161, 197, 198,212,222,247
Paunna, Purna, 141, 150
INDEX.
259
Pythagoras, 49
QUINTUS CUBTIUS, 128
Eachias, 103, 116, 119. 121
Eaajah Tarangini, 6, 52, 141, 149,
151, 152, 157
Eajavali, the Upham, 202
Eama, 116
Eamayana, Fauche, 109, 121
Earn Eaz, 13
Eavana, 195, 214
Eawlinson, Sir H., 162
Eemusat, 244, 252
Ehadamanes, the, 210
Eebeyro, 96
Eeinaud, 15, 83, 56, 60, 65, 67,
120, 130, 141, 142, 162, 216,
222, 226, 219
Eelations Arabes, Eeinaud, 221,
224, 228, 234, 243, 249
Eost, 65, 66
Eouge de, 204
Eubruquis, 75
Eufinus, 179
Sakta Sinha Buddha, 1 75
SamansBoi, Sarmanoi,i?. Sramans
Samgha, 140, 146, 150
Salike, Serendiva, v. Ceylon
Sandanes, 137, 153, 156
Sandy a, 152
Sapor, 250
Sassanidse, 250
Scaliger, 70
Schlegel, 8
Scholasticus, Theban : 227, 228
Schrockh, 179, 186, 188
Schwanbeck, 8, 110, 135
Scylax from Tzetzes, 208
Scythianus, 171, 202, 233
Semnoi, v. Sramans
Sera, Cera, Seras, 117
Serse, Sores, 95, 119, 120, 121
Sevendivi, 126
Sette Communi, 3
Severus,132, 154,165
Severus Alexander, 165
Severus, Consul, 189, 236
Sinai, 217
Sindbad, 91,2:)2
Singha Eajah, 115
Sissia, 2
Sila, 213
Siva, 8, 13,80, 152, 158
Smith, Biographical Dictionary,
72, 82, 99, 126, 128, 154, 183,
186, 187
Sopater, 91, 92, 104, 223, 235
Socotora, 216,224
Socrates, Ec. Hist. 179, 186
Solinus, 94, 97
Solomon, 100, 101
Sophocles, 39
Sophoi V. Brahmans
Sora, 117
Soroadeios, 8 -
Soter, 153
Sozomen, 179
Speke, 96
Sramans, 2, 132, 134, 138, 139,
145, 147, 148
Stephanos of Byzantium, 143,
207, 208, 227
Stobseus, 137, 152.
Stobera, 55
Strabo, passim, 4, 31, 84, 162,
194, 212, 231
Seutonius, 68, 69, 72, 73, 85
Suidas, 200, 227
Sura, 83
Suryadeva, 8
Susa, 3
Sutadeva, 8
Tacitus, 85, 250
Tambapanni Taprobane, v. Cey-
lon
Tantalus, 43, 48, 54
Tarshish, 100
Tathsin, v. China
TaxHa, 11, 13, 15
Taylor, 97, 118, 120
Tennent, Sir E., 92, 96, 99, 100,
101, 103, 108, 113, 116, 199
Terebinthus, 176
Thebes, 8
Theodoric, 3
260
INDEX.
Theodosius, 253
Theophanes, 183, 185, 238, 239,
240, 241, 253
Theophilus the Indian, 188
Thilo, 137
Thomas, K., 137
Thomas of Edessa, 223
Thucydides, 19
Tibullus, 67
Tillemont, 184
Tonquin, 13U
Trajan, 82, 125, 126, 154
Troyer v. Eadja Tarangini
Turnour v, Mahawanso, 99, 101,
105, 111, 212
Tzetzes, 29, 30, 55, 194
Ulysses, 41
Uma, 152
Upham, 93, 202
Yalesius, 182, 185, 187, 188
Varuna, 8
Venus, 26, 27
Veddahs, 199
Vespasian, 85
Vicentino, 3
Vincent, 80, 84, 95, 107, 108, 112
Virgil, 67
Vishnu, 8, 13, 189
Vishnu Purana, 6, 7, 8, 15, 25, 38,
40, 52, 197
Vologesia, 162
Vopiscus, 167, 246
Vossius, 105, 107, 110
Ward, 208
Waterton, 28
Weber, 157
Wijayo, 100, 103, 108
Wilford, 4, 13, 25, 40, 49, 52, 113
Wilkinson, 28
Wilson, H. H., 7, 9, 12, 13, 26,
52, 75, 77, 80, 104, 137, 146,
204, 207, 208, 21 3
Windt, 9, 4, 107
Xerxes, 48
Zanj, Sea of, 216, 218
Zanzibar, 218
Zarmanochegas, 66
Zarmaros, 69
Zazana, 185
Zenobia, 129, 163, 166
Zeuxis, 14
Zohrab, 70
Zonaras, 125
Zosimus, 163, 179
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